南海争端准联盟化评析

2011年5月以来,南海争端高潮迭起,东南亚各国加紧行动,不仅加强了内部沟通,还极力争取外部协调,内外联动,以求推动在南海争端中造成一个针对中国的准联盟。他们采取协调立场、联合军演、共同开发以及多边施压等诸多方式,对抗中国在南海问题上的权益主张。该准联盟因多重动机汇聚而成,旨在通过多边主义、议题联系对中国进行软式制衡。因其内在局限以及东亚一体化的积极进展,中国对该准联盟不必做过激反应,但也应注意该准联盟对中国在国家形象、周边关系与地区合作上的负面冲击。     

Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda

The concept of the ‘National Democratic Revolution’ (NDR) is often used by left-leaning scholars and political actors in attempts to explain or justify the lack of socialism in third-world societies governed by rulers who consider themselves ‘scientific socialists’. It has been invoked in analyses of Zimbabwe by both the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, in 2001 as he was embarking on his ‘quiet diplomacy’, and Wilfred Mhanda, a Zimbabwean guerrilla leader imprisoned by the Mozambican government in the late-1970s for posing problems to the leadership aspirations of Robert Mugabe, who later became president of the country posing problems for Thabo Mbeki among others. Analysis of both these political intellectuals’ writing sheds light on the concept of the NDR (evoked often in contemporary South African politics and Zimbabwean discourse about the current crisis) as well as the theoretical and practical aspects of the authors’ careers.     

建交以来中韩文学交流的回顾与展望

自1992年建交以来,中韩两国在政治、经济、文化等各方面的交流合作发展非常迅速,以作家为主导的两国文学交流,也得到迅猛发展。本文对中韩建交以来文学交流的相关情况做了一些总结和梳理,分析交流的动因和优势,探寻获得的成果和存在的问题,并对今后发展趋势做一些展望,希望对未来两国的文学交流与合作有所促进。     

越南海洋鱼类捕捞量演变特征及对中国的启示

文章通过对越南1995—2014年海洋渔业数据进行整理,运用GIS空间分析方法,对其沿海地区海洋鱼类捕捞量的演变过程进行研究。结果表明,1995—2014年间,越南海洋捕捞业呈现出迅猛发展的势头,其中北部湾沿岸省份整体增速较快;产量分布的空间差异明显,呈现出平均产量“南高北低”,平均增速“北快南慢”的发展特点;发展重心有所波动,但整体呈现出向北发展的趋势。可以判断,未来在南海地区,尤其是西沙、南沙海域的渔业资源,受到来自越南方面非法捕捞的威胁会逐渐增加,中越在上述地区爆发渔业冲突的可能性在增长。文章最后结合中国海洋渔业发展现状,从渔业合作、渔业执法和深海渔业发展等方面提出了中国的应对之策。     

‘New friends,easier partners and bigger brothers’: The influence of the emerging powers on agriculture and food security in Malawi

Emerging powers are credited with influencing development cooperation, but field-based studies incorporating the viewpoints of recipient developing country actors are scarce. This article analyses the presence and the material, ideational and institutional influence of assistance in agriculture and food security in Malawi by the governments of Brazil, India, China and South Africa. The findings suggest first that, despite a similar and powerful discourse linking these four states, in practice the emerging powers' approaches diverge to a large extent. Second, the material influence of these emerging powers is relatively limited and consequently so is their influence on Malawi's decision-making process with regard to development. Finally, perceptions about the emerging powers' potential contribution to addressing development challenges differ greatly between the Malawian government and the traditional donor community. This difference arises from limited coordination and cooperation on the one hand and the importance of ideational influence on the other.     

“Apartheid in a parka”? Roots and longevity of the Canada–South Africa comparison

Comparisons between Aboriginal policy in Canada and apartheid in South Africa appear frequently in public discourse, often with claims of actual links between the two systems. This paper interrogates these supposed links, using an analysis of land policy and the pass system in each country to demonstrate the improbability of the claims of direct influences. The paper then goes on to analyze the intellectual history of these comparisons, asking why they have been, and continue to be, made by many different actors in the face of a lack of historical evidence. The paper argues that the claims have served the needs of many different groups in different ways and thus maintained a hold despite their lack of historical foundation. However, good policy must be founded on clear analysis of history, and this paper argues that it is important to de-link South Africa and Canada, and understand oppression in each context on its own terms.     

Champions of the poor or “militant fighters for a better pay cheque”? Teacher unionism in Mexico and South Africa, 1979–2013

There are some fascinating historical parallels between Mexico’s giant teacher union, the Mexican National Education Union, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union. Although both teacher unions played an important role in challenging political oligarchies at certain points in their history, they became increasingly protectionist. Through their close affiliation to ruling parties, they were able to wield substantial political influence. In both of these cases, the unions played a controversial role in preventing central government surveillance and intervention in schools. Arguably, this often allowed not only for corruption in appointments and promotions, but also the protection of negligent teachers. There is some evidence to suggest that in protecting their sectional interests, both unions have frequently alienated parents and students at the community level. This paper addresses broader debates about the impact of powerful teacher unions on the quality of public schooling.     

Negotiating North–South dynamics and the Philippine experience in the WTO

This paper elucidates how domestic and external factors have shaped the negotiating policy of the Philippines in bringing about incremental gains not only for its benefit but also for other developing countries during the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Agriculture Doha Development Round (DDR). The internal factors include the following: (1) executive monopoly of the WTO negotiations; (2) issue-based fragmentation and dispersal of authority; (3) the autonomy and flexibility of the Philippine WTO negotiator; (4) the involvement of civil society in the WTO negotiations, and (4) the central role of the Department of Agriculture as the lead agency in the WTO negotiations. A major reason for this is attributed to an external factor which is the centrality of agriculture as a major WTO issue among developing countries. Other external factors, on the other hand, include the following: (1) the strong solidarity among developing countries and (2) the confinement to particular issues with regards to coalition-building. These factors helped to strengthen the bargaining leverage of the Philippines, a seemingly ‘weak’ country, vis-à-vis the developed countries in the WTO.     

“独特机遇论”:中国梦乘外部优势启航

中国梦的实现需要内外部的共同合力。"独特机遇论"乘势助力中国梦的发展。中共在南方谈话中进一步明确了中国继续推进深化改革,扩大对外开放的政策。而"独特机遇论"的提出是对海外关系的正确定位和对丰富的海外资源的运用和涵养。主要包括四个方面:海外关系的开放是改革开放的首要内容,为中国的改革开放和科学发展打开了走向世界的大门,促进了"全方位、多角度、宽领域"的对外开放格局的形成,大大丰富了社会主义市场经济的内涵。在经济全球化背景下,必须坚持"以侨为本"理念,保障和涵养海外资源的可持续发展。     

南非宪法法院的"合理性审查标准"介评

"合理性审查标准"是南非宪法法院对政府积极义务进行审查的主要标准,是在宪法法院的判例中形成并逐渐发展起来的。"合理性审查标准"的采用,使宪法法院可以在不侵入立法和行政功能、不与政治部门发生直接冲突的情况下,实现对社会权一定程度的保护。但是,宪法法院对"合理性"的过分关注也制约了法院对政府积极义务审查的范围和程度,对社会权的保护产生了一些不利影响。