Building new selves: identity, “Passing,” and intertextuality in Zoë Wicomb’s Playing in the Light

This article examines Zoë Wicomb’s wide-ranging use of intertextuality in the novel Playing in the Light to explore the links between identity construction and postcolonial authorship. Focusing on the characters as intertextual agents, I argue that the three coloured women on whom the novel focuses – Helen, Marion, and Brenda – use texts in distinctive ways that illuminate their struggles to position themselves in South Africa’s complex and changing racial landscape. Racial “passing” is one form of a larger pattern in the novel of the use of citation and imitation to achieve specific ends. By embedding the citations of Helen and Marion within the citation-rich narrative of Brenda, Wicomb lays bare the mechanisms of identity construction within a work that stages and highlights its own intertextual practices.     

南非法院对外国仲裁裁决的承认和执行

南非法院对外国仲裁裁决的承认和执行既可根据南非的普通法,也可根据南非的《承认与执行外国仲裁裁决法》进行。根据南非普通法,如果外国仲裁裁决不是终局的,或缺乏有有效的仲裁协议或自然公正,或裁决是通过欺诈方式获得的,或裁决的承认和执行违反南非的公共政策,南非法院就不会承认和执行该裁决;而南非的《承认与执行外国仲裁裁决法》是为实施《纽约公约》而制定的,不过,二者在内容上存在着不同。     

加强粤桂琼经济合作，建设华南经济强区

文章阐述了加强粤桂琼经济合作 ,建设华南经济强区的客观必然性 :指出制约粤桂琼三地经济合作的障碍与原因 ,提出发展粤桂琼三地经济合作的若干建议 ,即确立合作的原则 ;建立三地合作的机构作为三地政府、经济部门及企业的交流合作的对话与提供服务平台 ;三地既竞争又合作 ,以合作促进竞争 ,以竞争促进全方位的合作 ;建立区域合作的规则及区间合作的优惠政策 ,促进区间经济科技文化的全面合作与发展。     

论社会权的可裁判性

社会权是否可以交由司法判断,这在各国理论界都存在种种争议。大体上,反对司法裁判社会权主要出自于分权考量、民主考量、公共政策考量以及社会权的不确定性等。尽管如此,在以南非为代表的很多国家开始了司法裁判社会权的积极尝试。这些初步经验,可以为我国社会权的保障提供若干借鉴意义。     

韩国的专利战略及其启示

韩国在较短的时间内就使其科技水平得到了快速提升,已经成为国际技术专利申请大国。韩国的专利战略、政策和措施、韩国以企业为主力军的专利申请格局、韩国在尖端科技领域的突破以及专利申请策略、韩国塑造国际专利信息中心形象的做法、韩国积极推进本国技术成为国际标准、极力推荐本国科技专家进入国际科技和专利机构工作以及投入巨资培养摘取诺贝尔奖的科学家和专利技术后备人才的经验,值得中国学习和借鉴。     

机遇与挑战并存：世纪之交的南非华人

南非现有华人20万人左右,主要来自中国大陆、台湾和香港,大多集中居住在商业中心约翰内斯堡市、首都比勒托利亚、伊丽莎白港等沿海城市。南非华人以经商为主,从事零售、批发、进出口贸易和开餐馆等。近年来,华人在南非的投资日益增多,涉及纺织、制造、房地产等行业。华文教育虽不易推广,但在华人社团和华人报刊推动下,加之中国国际影响力日益增强,前景看好。华人参政刚刚起步,但步伐很快,而且能代表和维护华人权益。2003年以来,南非华人屡遭劫难,安全处境堪忧,其中主要是南非社会治安的原因,也有华人社会内部的原因。随着中国在非洲的投资速度加快,南非华人移民的数量还会继续增加,不会因安全问题而止步。     

The two Koreas’ societies reflected in stamps

The stamp is “an arena for conveying every possible kind of message through pictures”. Since stamp motives are not chosen arbitrarily, this study considers what stamps issued by North and South Korea since their foundation in 1948 tell about these states. Firstly, the number of stamps made by each state from 1948 until 2002 is investigated. This time is divided into ten-year periods. Conclusions are drawn from the number of stamps made. Secondly, the motives are investigated in detail. Eight motives—commemoratives, history, famous persons, culture, politics, economics, nature and miscellaneous are identified. Quantitative data on the motives are presented in tables that are followed by facts about the issues. Thirdly, the main findings are presented on a general level and under the motives identified. Implications of the motives on North and South Korean stamps are discussed and similarities and differences are highlighted.     

冷战后韩国的东北亚安全战略构想

自朝鲜战争结束以来,韩国安全政治中一直面临着严重的安全困境问题。韩国认为,周边强国之间的均衡关系是韩国生存与繁荣的保障。从现实情况看,韩国的力量难以同周边大国中的任何一个进行抗衡,归根结底,只有在大国间的力量取得平衡并相互制约的前提下,韩国的活动范围才能得以扩大。所以,推动东北亚多边安全机制的建立,维持当前的地区力量均衡,防止因为周边大国实力的强弱变化导致的地区秩序瓦解,对于韩国意义重大。冷战后,韩国所提出的东北亚多边安全战略构想无疑将对维持该地区长期和平发挥关键性作用,韩国也能从中获得可观的和平红利。但由于其内在缺陷,这一构想并不能一劳永逸地化解韩国长期所面临的安全困境。     

新村运动中韩国政府的行政作为及其对中国的启示

为改变日益严重的工农业、城乡、区域之间发展失衡的状况，20世纪70年代初，韩国政府发起了“新村运动”并取得了巨大成就。在这一过程中，韩国政府的行政作为主要体现在：改革机构，调整支农政策，提供财政援助，发挥农协的作用，实施新村教育以及建立监查制度。借鉴韩国政府推进新村运动过程中的有益做法，对促进我国社会主义新农村建设具有十分重要的现实意义。     

President Roh Moo-Hyun’s Last Interview and the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon in South Korea

This commentary discusses what is popularly regarded as the “Roh Moo-hyun Phenomenon” in today’s South Korean society, as an attempt to shed some light on an interview which the late President Roh Moo-hyun had with the author in December 2008. This interview is unique not only because it became Roh’s last interview conducted before his suicide on May 23, 2009, but also because it provides Roh’s candid critical self-assessment on his own presidency, especially regarding his role in both domestic politics and the inter-Korean relationship, and the Korea-US relationship during his term in office, as well as commenting on Japan’s approach to Northeast Asian regional politics. Reflecting on Roh’s star-like rise to the presidency and fall from grace, this commentary alerts readers that Roh’s last interview needs to be considered within the context of the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon, especially in regard to the 2017 presidential election, because it will directly affect the fate of not just the “pro-Roh group,” with the largest share of the opposition in today’s Korean society, but the Korean people as a whole at a time when the country’s many leading civic groups are desperately seeking a “Great Transformation.”