Alternative South–South development collaboration? The role of China in the Coega Special Economic Zone in South Africa

Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ.     

Why is there no securitisation theory in the Korean nuclear crisis?

Despite the fact that the Korean nuclear crisis is one of the most protracted security issues in the world, the research analysing the crisis from the perspective of securitisation theory is curiously absent. This article attempts to pin down some distinguishing features of South Korea’s securitisation of the nuclear threat posed by North Korea, thereby investigating why one rarely sees the implications of securitisation theory in the way that the Copenhagen School theorists would suggest. Borrowing the key components of securitisation theory—existential threats, referent objects and extraordinary measures—this article suggests three elusive characteristics of the South Korean actors’ speech acts as sources highlighting the dilemma. To make the article’s arguments clearer, I hold Floyd’s classification of securitisation theory, which separated the securitisation process into two different stages: securitising move and security practice. While acknowledging the importance of the differences between illocution and perlocution in a securitisation process, this article takes this logic one step further by suggesting the limits of the perlocutionary effect in making the securitisation process complete.     

民主选举与社会分裂——东亚民主转型国家与地区的政治与政局

东亚民主转型国家和地区发生的社会分裂与其实行的民主制度之间存在较强的关联性。在经济发展不平衡、贫富差距大、民族国家意识淡泊及选举文化有欠成熟的情况下,参与选举的政治势力和社会群体倾向于将投票及相关活动视为扩大自身利益和削弱对方力量的机会,导致不同政治势力和社会群体之间的对立和冲突超出可控范围。     

From British subjects to Australian values: a citizenship-building approach to Australia–Asia relations

Australia–Asia relations are inextricably bound up with the development of notions of statehood and citizenship. The argument advanced here is that the way a state acts within the international community markedly determines how it relates to its own citizens. Here we suggest that the continuing and politically resonant idea of Australia as a ‘middle power’ is a crucial thread that links the international and national dimensions of citizenship building. From the very beginning of Federation, the contingent sovereignty of the new Australian Commonwealth in the imperial order became necessarily entangled with debate over national political institutions and citizenship building. Long after the end of the British Empire, the notion of middle power politics has determined the nature and shape of citizenship building. These statecraft projects of ‘citizenship building’ are profoundly shaped, determined and reinforced by the institutions and policies of regional engagement. We explore this framework through three critical junctures of domestic and external policy: 1. the emergence of dominion status on the basis of a common racial and cultural identity within the empire in the first half of the century;

2. the developing notion of a good international citizen during the Hawke and Keating period;

3. the invocation of Australian values by John Howard.

     

中美学者关于中国在东南亚软实力理解的对比分析

"软实力"逐渐成为了中国一个时髦的话语,它甚至超越了学术的范畴。本文将对比并分析中美两国学者对中国在东南亚"软实力"的理解。     

“美元本位”与东南亚的外汇储备管理

全球经济失衡背景下，美国经常账户持续逆差与东南亚外汇储备迅速扩张引人注目，东南亚将美元作为贸易计价、结算货币和本币钉住的对象。1998年以后，东南亚经常账户由逆差开始转为顺差，导致其外汇储备快速增长，发展成为典型“官方债权国”。泰国的储备资产扩张更多地依托资本和金融账户，新加坡的外汇储备增长则具有坚实的经济基础，通过公积金计划的实施来降低货币当局的购汇压力。     

韩国女性的跨国移居与劳动——以京津地区韩国女性为例

本文使用深度访谈方法，访谈了居住在北京、天津的9位韩国已婚女性，考察了跨国移居后她们的劳动情况。移居后，她们作为儿媳妇的压力和家务劳动量减少，但增加了监督保姆的劳动，在夫妻间的情感劳动方面也面临新的压力，而且子女年龄小的女性仍承担较多的照顾和教育子女的劳动。她们中有不少女性中断自己的工作来到中国，主要从事家教、教师等工作，也有一些人成为个体经营者，也有不少没有3-作的女性学习汉语等课程，为未来做准备。移居后她们更加虔诚信仰宗教，通过参加志愿者服务活动，跨出私人家庭领域，促进了韩国人社会和中国社会的和谐发展。     

太平洋战争期间日本对东南亚的贸易统制研究

1941年日本在发动太平洋战争的同时,开始对东南亚地区实行贸易统制政策,采取政府出台相关政策、军队和企业具体实施的方针,通过滥发军票等方式,以较低的价格进口东南亚各地的重要资源。日本的贸易统制政策虽然在短期内使日本与东南亚各地之间的贸易急剧增长,但却严重破坏了东南亚各地的产业结构和对外贸易,给东南亚各国造成巨大损失。     

南海领土争端中的国际法渊源适用探析

南海领土争端主要包括岛礁归属与海域划界两个方面.不同的国际法渊源在南海领土争端的法律适用中具有不同的作用.目前,中国主要倚重以国际习惯为代表的传统国际法规则,周边国家则大多根据《联合国海洋法公约》对抗甚至否认中国对南海岛礁及其附近海域的主权.借助国际法渊源理论,对南海领土争端中可能适用的各种法律渊源加以界定和分类后,可以确定国际条约与国际习惯的适用顺位是问题的核心,而国际习惯在解决南海领土争端问题上的优先地位应予尊重.     

魏晋南北朝时期中国与东南亚的佛教文化交流

魏晋南北朝时期，在中国与东南亚地区的交往中，佛教文化的交流构成了彼此间相互往来的一个重要内容，充分体现了物质文化与精神文化的交流二者并行不悖、相辅相成的密切关系。这一时期往来或取道东南亚地区而来的中外僧人所带来的大量佛教经典及其译经活动，极大地促进了佛教文化在中国的传播，为隋唐时期中国与东南亚地区佛教文化交流的进一步深化和发展奠定了坚实的基础。