浅析“美国重返东亚”表述中存在的问题

作为一种政治宣传,“美国重返东南亚”的表述存在着为奥巴马政府强势介入东南亚地区事务辩护的成分,并不是对冷战后美国东南亚政策的客观描述.在此基础上衍生而出的表述——“美国重返东亚”,承袭了为美国干涉东亚事务辩护的成分,有利于奥巴马政府借助论述的“软实力”弥补自身硬实力的下滑.盲目使用他人的论述,并在此基础上加以延伸,表现出中国对国际事务表述能力的缺陷,迷失自身立场.只有认真分析美方的政策文本,并从自身角度加以客观论述,才会正确地理解国际力量的变动,有利于中国利益的长远护持.     

民族国家意识的培育与廉政文化建设——西方和亚洲国家廉政文化建设经验研究

廉政文化建设与民族国家意识的培育之间存在较高的关联度。领导层热爱祖国,通常会拥有高尚的道德情操,廉洁奉公。国民富有民族国家意识,有益于形成以符合国家利益为尺度衡量的善恶价值观念,形成公平、公正、诚实、向善的道德风尚。引导经济社会快速发展,加强对爱国主义的宣传教育,是提升民族国家意识的重要途径。     

论东亚经济复苏的制约因素及前景

１９９９年东亚经济出现了复苏迹象，国际社会对东亚经济有Ｗ、Ｖ和Ｕ型三种不同走向的判断，东亚经济复苏离不开自身的努力和国际环境的改善，目前这两个方面有不少因素在发生积极的变化，但同时也还存在着许多制约因素，展望东亚经济发展的前景，其经济走向在总体上和短期内不太可能呈现出Ｗ型和Ｖ型而应当是Ｕ型的，只要自身素质和国际环境进一步改善，东亚经济会逐步加快复苏，实现稳定增长。     

“Yours for Socialism”: Communist Cultural Discourse in Early Apartheid South Africa

This paper explores the diversity of cultural debates which constellated around the Communist Party in South Africa in the late segregationist and early apartheid periods. It traces the textual remains of an itinerant public debate––dispersed in periodical reviews, magazine articles, journalistic tit-bits and other ephemeral public sphere activities such as debating societies, theater groups and discussion clubs––with a view to complicating and expanding the South African literary-cultural archive. Of particular importance are the practices and protocols of reading, cultural critique and interpretation that characterized the intellectual-political field––or public sphere––which we name the Communist Party. In this way, a fragmented cultural discussion is provisionally reconstituted or “invented” as an important South African tradition and reclaimed as a significant intellectual inheritance. The project thus bears on broader question of reading the past and attempts to negotiate an historical split between uncritical nostalgia and the will to transcend.     

英韩两国医疗保险制度整合过程比较研究——以行动舞台的层次关系为核心

本文从制度主义的视角,利用层次性行动舞台为核心分析概念,对1911～1948年英国与1963～2007年韩国的健康保险制度整合过程进行了比较,结论是尽管在个人层次以及国家层次上两国情况都很类似,但是其根本区别在社会层次内部以及社会层次与国家层次的互动方面的不同。韩国经办组织层次与政治层次之间形成了一个劳使政三方委员会,政府充分利用这个组织框架达成的协议实现了医疗保险体系整合,而英国的社会层次表现为相互钳制,缺乏跟政治层面的良性互动,故无法实现整合。     

Disrupting the South African parliament: performing opposition 1994–2010

The article focuses on the most common form of institutionally punished disruption seen in South Africa's National Assembly since 1994: orders for individual MPs to withdraw from the chamber. The shifting dynamics of such “set-piece” dramatizations of opposition and their relationship with the established analyses of political opposition in post-apartheid South Africa, especially “dominant party democracy” theory are explored. There have been two main styles of disruptive performance in the National Assembly since 1994. Firstly, performances of perceived political marginalization, and secondly, performances that paradoxically lay claim to uphold parliamentary democracy through rule-breaking, which are termed performances of procedure-as-democracy. The article examines how opposition politicians have justified disruption and unpicks the symbolism of prominent incidents. The focus is upon the performance of disruption and its performative aspects, particular the articulation of race and gender. It is argued that performances of procedure-as-democracy are actually one of the principal means by which opposition political parties perform narratives of ANC dominance and as such require much more attention and critical engagement from political scholars interested in dominant party democracy.     

完善我国南海海域管辖制度的法律构思

我国对南海拥有主权是一个不可争辩的法律事实,对南海三沙海域行使管理权,制定并出台相关管理等方面的法规和制度,都是我国行使南海管辖的主权表现。根据国家有关法律和决议,海南省人民政府应对南海三沙海域依法享有相应的管理权,如对三沙海域进行日常事务行政管理权,组织和协调各类执法活动等。     

Youth violence in South Africa: the case for a restorative justice response

Crime presents a fundamental challenge in South Africa. Particularly disturbing is the prevalence of violence committed by and against young people. The main purpose of this article is to look at how South Africa should deal with the issue of youth violence. It argues that while structural violence constitutes a significant contextual cause of the phenomenon, a more proximate and specific cause lies in young people’s exposure to direct violence in their schools, homes and communities. In many cases, therefore, simply sending young people to prison – where they may experience even greater levels of violence – is not the answer. This article thus examines the potential merits of restorative justice as a response to the problem of youth violence, focusing particularly on the 2009 Child Justice Act. This research is based on fieldwork in South Africa and draws upon both the author’s qualitative interview data and a range of surveys with young people conducted by the Center for Justice and Crime Prevention in Cape Town.     

Coming in from the Cold: Grenada and Cuba since 1983

Abstract

The Grenada Revolution’s radical course was stamped by the bold turn to Cuba in April 1979. Cuban commitment to Maurice Bishop’s regime was crucial to its consolidation. In 1983 counter-revolution and invasion ruptured Grenada–Cuba ties and damaged Havana’s relations with Caribbean Community states. Since the demise of the Cold War, Havana’s survival strategy has prioritised regional integration and cooperation in the Americas. In the Anglophone Caribbean, Grenada has been at the centre of this rapprochement since 1993. Despite Washington’s disapproval, Grenada champions expanded ties with socialist Cuba. The rekindled alliance brings tangible mutual benefits and validates the strategy of South–South cooperation advocated by Maurice Bishop’s People’s Revolutionary Government and New Jewel Movement.     

Knowledge as civilizational role play: China watching by its Southern neighbours

Colonial and postcolonial relations have always constituted sites of knowledge production in the Global South. This is particularly noticeable when it comes to the production of knowledge of a Global South self vis-à-vis the West. However, the literature has not seriously attended self-knowledge production in the Global South with regard to non-Western others. The paper compares South and Southeast Asian think tanks to reflect upon a common identity strategy of small nations to become a civilizational bridge between competing major neighbours. Specifically, China experts in these areas host more or less a common wish or even a desire to be a bridge over the difference of China and its potential rival in India, the West, or both. The bridge role is a rare sensibility in the postcolonial critique of the West. Watching China from its Southern Third World neighbourhood incurs such an agenda. Relying on interviews of retired diplomats and think tank experts, the paper also discusses how the abovementioned methodological characteristics affect the enactment of the bridge role.