Manicheism delirium: desire and disavowal in the libidinal economy of an emerging economy

This paper explores the motivations behind the outward foreign direct investment (ofdi) decisions in the past decade of an East Asian government-linked corporation (glc), the largest company of its kind in the world in terms of sectoral specialisation. This glc has travelled far from its origins as an agent of European imperialism to its current controversial role spearheading postcolonial extra-territorialisation strategies. I argue that financial predation is the synechdoche for territorialisation in the new imperialism. Consequently emerging economies pre-empt the financial siege by embarking on ofdi strategies themselves to create economic buffer territory. I construct a psychoanalytical framework for examining how anxiety is acted out in the global economy. I apply concepts of the traumatic moment, anxiety and the defence mechanisms of disavowal, splitting, introjection and projection to analyse the glc’s investments as territorial displacements of the libidinal economy.     

Local Government Policy Diffusion in a Decentralised System: Childbirth Support Policy in South Korea

South Korean local governments have recently adopted pronatalist policies to cope with the pressing problem of low and declining fertility, despite this central coordination by the national government has been limited in this policy domain. This study attempts to explain the process by which childbirth support policies have spread among localities over time by addressing two questions: whether interjurisdictional and internal factors of policy diffusion have been at work; and how vertical and horizontal diffusion mechanisms have interactively affected local policy adoptions in the developing country. Empirical findings show that horizontal and vertical mechanisms of diffusion considerably outperform intrajurisdictional factors in spreading childbirth support policies among localities. Furthermore, the vertical influence from the central government has a positive conditional effect that stimulates horizontal interactions among local governments for policy formulation. These findings thus suggest that horizontal interactions among localities can provide an important route for the nationalisation of a domestic social policy in the nascent decentralised system.     

A critical discourse analysis of 2008 advertising campaigns against software piracy in South Africa

Abstract

This article examines the discursive landscape of anti-piracy campaigns run by the Business Software Alliance (BSA) on behalf of major global software companies. Using semiotic techniques, rhetorical analysis and critical discourse analysis, the article demonstrates the primacy of new capitalism in reinforcing the public understanding of global knowledge economy. But the BSA's strategies and tactics are also found to offer mixed discursive messages, possibly attenuating a major objective of any communication campaign: social behaviour change.     

Political posturing and the need for peace journalism in South Africa: The case of Julius Malema

SUMMARY

On February 2, 1990 the media emergency regulations were rescinded by the state president, mr. F.W. de Klerk. This has lead to the idea in some quarters that the media in South Africa are now totally free. Contrary to this belief the author shows that at the start of 1991 a plethora of restrictions are still being placed on the media in South Africa. These restrictions are indicative of National Party media policy that has been formulated since 1948. In view of this, the general objections of the African National Congress (ANC) with regards to the present media system in South Africa are spelt out from a media policy perspective. The merits of these objections are evaluated, after which the Manoim-debate concerning future policy formulation is briefly dealt with. This debate was mainly conducted in the print media in 1990. The possible lessons that a future independent black press could learn from the demise of the Daily Mail are set out. To conclude, the idea is put forward that the media in South Africa should immediately start to agitate for positive media policy stipulations (a broad media policy framework). Some of the media policy issues that governments of the future will have to address, are also identified.     

South African soap opera as the other: The deconstruction of hegemonic gender identities in four South African soap operas

Abstract

This article examines the potential role of soap opera narratives in the construction (or deconstruction) of identities within the South African context. The narratives of four South African soap operas (Egoli – place of gold, Isidingo – the need, Generations and 7de Laan) are analysed. Although identities of race and class are also relevant in soap opera narrative, this article focuses on gender identities. It is argued that soap opera may be constituted as other, and that it might therefore be a possible site for the deconstruction of hegemonic identities. Brief reference is made to Edward Said and the origin of the term ‘Orientalism’. This is linked firstly to the concept of the other, and more precisely the concept of ‘women as other’ as theorised initially by Simone de Beauvoir, but more specific to this article, Luce Irigaray. The second section argues that soap opera may be gendered as feminine and female and consequently marked as other for various reasons. The final section accepts the hypothesis of soap opera as feminine and female, and thus other, and attempts to analyse the relevant soap operas in terms of the negotiating or deconstructing of gender identities and the consequent social relevance of these texts.     

Positioning independent community media: Findings from a case study of six small South African newspapers

Abstract

This article brings defining aspects of ‘community media’ – as proposed by a group of media stakeholders – into dialogue with research findings from a study on small ‘independent media’. One significant difference between the two media sectors is that the former is usually understood as being driven by commune-style ownership and community control, and the latter by private ownership and profit-driven control. We argue that perceptions constructed by this difference potentially marginalise small independent media organisations. It may compromise their access to funding as well as obscure how, and how much, they contribute to their communities. We find that the six South African small independent newspapers in this research meet defining criteria for ‘community media’. Research findings on issues such as social responsibility, participatory democracy, media diversity and the generation of skills and wealth demonstrate how the principles and practices of the two media sectors overlap. So we propose ‘independent community media’ as a more inclusive and appropriate concept and term for small community-oriented publications, irrespective of their ownership profiles or relationship to profit. Independence is also examined – particularly how the newspapers balance editorial independence with outside control: this reveals inequitable practices currently threatening some newspapers’ survival and success.     

Towards a More Comprehensive Analysis of Warlord Politics: Constitutive Agency,Patron–Client Networks and Robust Action

This article serves as a critique of a recent American foreign policy formulation proposing to eradicate ‘warlordism’ and asserting that democratic institutions can be directly created out of the post-eradication anarchic chaos. Against this background, recent years have indeed seen a bourgeoning literature on ‘warlord politics’ in Southeast Asia. The majority commonly portray political actors as faithful followers of economic rationality and self-interest. Therefore, most are conceived as selfish predators who ruthlessly use violence for private gains at the expense of public interest. By suggesting that comparative studies on warlordism have been heavily influenced by the political economy perspective, the article develops a more comprehensive analysis of warlord politics. Along the lines of patron–client network analysis, insights from moral economy and agency-structure sociological dualism are considered. Contrasting case studies are used to illustrate how the alleged warlords of Southeast Asia do not fit entirely into the political economy perspective. Caught in a vast patron–client network of competing interests and diverse powers across state and society, one's agency is constantly constituted by discursive arrays of contending interests, juxtaposing rationalities and multiple intentions. In state building, this complication is regarded as paradoxically necessary for compelling the alleged warlord-actor to re-define and elevate multiple private interests into public interest.     

Curbing Corruption in Government Procurement in Southeast Asia: Challenges and Constraints

Corruption in the government procurement of goods, services and public works has been commonplace in Southeast Asian states (with the exception of Singapore) over many years. It has affected the provision of vital services and infrastructure and has been a key factor in undermining standards of governance. In recent years, reforms have been introduced in the region to combat corruption in the procurement process. However, to date their impact in many of the states has been at best limited. The article will consider the nature, types and extent of corruption in government procurement in the various states of Southeast Asia, following which it will discuss the reforms that have been introduced to address the problem. The article will then assess the limited impact of the reforms, and discuss the two reasons for this. The first reason was that the reforms were not sufficiently comprehensive and precise in tackling the entire spectrum of corruption in procurement and in creating the necessary legal powers for watchdog and enforcement bodies when dealing with such practices. Second, there were serious weaknesses in the implementation of these reforms, especially in translating legal provisions into everyday practice. Of particular importance are the limited capacity and status of watchdog and enforcement bodies, and the extent to which they are also compromised through corruption. The conclusion will consider the lessons to be learnt in tackling procurement corruption from the experience of the states of Southeast Asia and the challenges they face in pursuing further reform in the future.     

Contemplating a New Strategic Future

This article examines the Al-Aqsa Intifada and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. It is argued here that the Intifada was the result of long-term frustrations of the Palestinian people with the lack of change as well as the short-term need of the Palestinian leadership for an exit strategy after the Camp David summit. Palestinian strategy aimed at shifting the blame for the failure of Camp David from Yasser Arafat to Ehud Barak and to create maximum international solidarity to pressure Israel into concessions. Yet, closer analysis reveals that despite early successes, the Intifada strategy is one of diminishing returns. Conversely, Israeli crisis management, while taking some initial blows particularly in terms of public image, has proved relatively successful at preventing the erosion of Israeli positions on the ground. Ultimately, however, neither Palestinians nor Israelis will be able to achieve their respective aims of statehood and security without returning to the negotiating table.     

MTN: A South African mobile telecommunications group in Africa and Asia

ABSTRACT

The MTN Group, based in South Africa, is a multinational enterprise from an emerging economy (EE-MNE), operating mobile telecommunications networks in Asia and Africa. It was built up by negotiating licences and by acquiring operators, notably Investcom, a Lebanese-owned firm with operations in Asia, Africa and Cyprus. Such opportunities arose from the liberalisation of national markets and the financialisation of the sector. MTN now has licences from some very unattractive governments, to which it pays taxes, provides wire-tapping, collects metadata and censors content. Its business partners have included political parties, cronies of political leaders and individuals on a United Nations asset freeze list. It denies allegations it displaced a rival in Iran by corrupt means. It successfully became a major international operator, but acquisitions have stopped, forcing it to rely on organic growth and new technologies.