主权财富基金与海合会金融合作

海合会作为区域一体化组织,一方面推进区域货币和金融一体化,另一方面又是主权财富基金的发源地和分布最密集的区域。海合会成员国主权财富基金在区域内的投资呈现出促进区域金融合作的潜能,它不仅投资广泛,而且出现了合资主权财富基金。但是,这种促进作用也面临诸多挑战,比如产业结构趋同导致投资品种单一、区域大国的影响,以及政治发展的障碍等。     

国际商事仲裁中当事人意思自治领域的新发展——以《纽约公约》第5、6、7条的修改为中心

《纽约公约》是当今承认与执行外国仲裁裁决领域最具影响力的国际公约,自1958年生效以来,已经得到约140个国家的承认。《纽约公约》对促进国际经贸的发展作出了巨大的贡献,但在近半个世纪的适用实践中,它也暴露出一些不足,在某些方面还引起了较大的争议。本文从仲裁的本质出发,论述如何通过对《纽约公约》的修改,扩大当事人意思自治的范围,营造一个更有利于国际商事仲裁的环境。     

港澳特区终审权的宪法学思考

终审权是一项主权性质的权力,中央授权香港、澳门两个特区享有终审权,充分体现了港人治港、澳人治澳和高度自治的方针。港澳特区所享有的终审权和作为主权国家拥有的终审权虽然有着不少相似之处,但仍存在不可忽视的差异。正确行使好特区的终审权,必须充分认识到决定终审权顺利运行的各种宪制因素。     

依照国际法院判例论证中国南海岛屿主权：方式与问题

格雷格·奥斯丁仿照国际法院的判例，把西沙群岛和南沙群岛的主权问题分开分析和叙述，并以关键日期为分界线，评述各方的主权依据，得出中国拥有西沙群岛和南沙群岛主权的最终结论。这一分析和论证方式，既可以避开或化解中国在南沙岛屿主权问题上的一些不利的证据，为中国的南海岛屿主权提供强有力的法理支撑，同时也为我们以后的南海问题研究指出了需要进一步重点研究的方向，值得我们借鉴。     

人权的本性与价值位阶

只讲人权的阶级性 ,否认普遍性 ;只考虑“多数人的人权”而忽视“少数人的人权” ;片面强调“主权高于人权”、“集体人权高于个体人权” ;或只讲“生存权是首要人权” ,忽视政治人权居先的价值地位 ,这些观点都有失偏颇。人权是自然性与社会性、阶级性与普遍性的统一 ,抽象地强调“主权高于人权” ,有可能为以“主权压人权”的专制政权提供理论支持。当今中国的首要人权应是政治人权。     

Enter the dragon: China's courtship of Hong Kong, 1982–1999

From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”.     

The family state: a non-realist approach to understanding Indonesia’s foreign policy

ABSTRACT

The existing literature on Indonesia’s foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country’s external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia’s international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta’s diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region.     

Delegating divisible sovereignty: Sweeping a conceptual minefield

Delegating sovereignty to international organizations (IOs) is both increasingly common and controversial. I address the sources of current controversies in three claims. First, although alleged otherwise, sovereignty is eminently divisible. From practice, indivisibility should not be a barrier to delegating to IOs. Second, it is intuitive that longer chains of delegation will be more likely to fail. Yet, it is not the length of the chain per se that matters as whether identifiable conditions for successful delegation are satisfied. Third, although “delegation” is often used to refer to both, delegating and pooling sovereignty are distinct activities. Much of the concern with IOs is really about pooling rather than delegating sovereignty.

Social Agency, Spatial Practices, and Power: The Micro-foundations of Fragmented Sovereignty in the Occupied Territories

The study of the relationships among social agency, spatial practices, and political power opens new directions for empirical inquiry and theorization of current modalities of sovereignty. Yet, recent research has overemphasized external variables, such as globalization and international forces, as conditioners of sovereignty and state power, with diminished attention on national and local realms. In the following article, I investigate state power beyond the limits of its official boundaries, by examining how intruder states produce, manage, and sustain effective authority over occupied territories and populations. I use the example of the Israeli occupation in the West Bank to demonstrate how such cases of political authority are based on fragmented sovereignty: comprised of multiple, localized, and relatively autonomous cores of power, instead of an all-encompassing structural and centralized modality of control. I propose that fragmented sovereignty is shaped and operated through the increasing autonomous power of ground level state agents and in the ways spatial perceptions and practices are interwoven into localized political processes.

1999年以来我国文化安全研究述评

文化安全问题随着全球化的深入已上升为我国安全战略的重要内容。基于现有文化安全研究文献的梳理归纳,可从文化安全问题的产生、文化安全的基础理论、我国文化安全的现状、文化安全的对策研究等几个方面对1999年以来我国文化安全研究进行述评,并在此基础上展望了文化安全研究由单一维度、零散的研究走向多维度、系统化的总体态势。