奥林匹克体育仲裁制度及我国之借鉴

体育仲裁是解决体育纠纷的重要方式,国际体育仲裁委员会(ICAS)及体育仲裁院(CAS)是国际上著名的体育仲裁机构。体育仲裁对我国体育事业和仲裁法律制度来讲,是一项重要的制度创新。通过借鉴奥林匹克体育仲裁制度的成功实践,本文对体育仲裁的理论和实际操作进行全面的考察,进而就我国建立体育仲裁制度提出一己之见,希望对2008年北京奥运会有所参考。     

体育动作可专利性法律问题研究

体育产业化要求利用知识产权保护体育运动参与者的经济利益。体育动作的不断革新要求对引入专利保护进行研究。通过分析专利制度法律规定和体育动作的特性发现,体育动作具有受到专利保护的可能性。但是,通过专利保护体育动作仍然需要克服许多困难,只有体育产业和法律制度能够良好的协调和互动,才能通过体育动作的专利保护促进体育运动的进步和体育产业的健康发展。     

法益与罪数

将法益作为判断罪数的唯一标准,确实不尽合理,但是,法益于罪数论意义重大.想象竞合与法条竞合的关于区别在于,在想象竞合情形下,没有哪一个罪名能对行为所侵犯的法益作出全面的刑法评价,相反,在法条竞合情形下,其中一个法条能对法益作出全面的刑法评价.由于连续犯、牵连犯和吸收犯侵犯的都是数法益,从全面评价法益的角度讲,应当实行数罪并罚.认定不可罚的事后行为、事前行为的关键在于,看事后行为、事前行为在本犯之外是否侵犯了新的法益.     

失地农民群体性事件防控对策研究

在工业化、城市化的进程中,农民失地问题是目前及今后相当一个时期我国所面临的一个具有高度综合性的复杂问题,众多失地农民的生存和发展问题也必将成为我国政府要着力解决的一个重要问题。农民因失地问题引发的群体性事件在各地具有一定的普遍性,也具有较大的社会危害性。失去土地是引发农民群体性事件的主因,其触发点大都是农民的合法权益受到来自各方面的不法侵害,农民奋起维权,而地方政府处置不当。尽管失地农民群体性事件的发生在触发机制上有其偶然性,但在根源上却有其必然性。失地农民群体性事件的总根源在于：失地农民在丧失生产资料之后生产力的萎缩和生活力的下降。有鉴于此,失地农民群体性事件的防控对策就应把着力点放在恢复、提高失地农民的生产力和生活力上．     

“谣言事件”与舆情管控——论谣言事件过程中政府媒体的舆情引导策略

"谣言事件"的发生发展与政府和媒体有着密切的关系:前瞻性宣传的消极化倾向为谣言的滋生提供了条件;谣言事件发生过程中相关部门举措失当会加剧危机态势扩大;谣言平复后缺乏有组织的、系统化的反思和教育。对"谣言事件",需要政府和媒体高效互动:建立危机宣传预警机制,做好"防谣"、"辟谣"预案;将媒体联动和政府举措相结合,畅通信息沟通渠道;积极及时组织舆论开展系统讨论和反思,培育民众的理性素质。同时,由于自媒体在信息传播方面有着实时性、简化强化性和灵活性等特点,政府和媒体还要积极发挥互联网特别是"自媒体"在舆论引导中的作用:要完善自媒体信息传播的法律法规;积极开设并良好维护官方自媒体平台,构建新型信息传播渠道;重视网络"意见领袖"的作用。     

群体性事件与网络、网络舆情研究述评

中国正处于群体性事件的易发、多发和高发期,频发的群体性事件已经成为影响社会稳定的最为突出的问题。近年来,几乎所有的群体性事件的发生发展都体现了网络及网络舆情的推波助澜作用。群体性事件中的网络及网络舆情既是党政部门的工作重点,又是学术界的重要研究课题。     

The “Trump Factor” and the Changing Face of Globalization

The victory of Donald Trump’s administration not only meant a change in domestic socioeconomic policy, but also in the sphere of U.S. foreign ties; it has had a strong influence on the development trend of the world economy and trade. Taking the path of protectionism and confrontation with key trade and economic partners in Latin America, Asia, and Europe, Washington has attempted to break the status quo and transform the existing character of the globalization process. The “Trump factor” has become a key element in the formation of a new global order.     

社会群体性事件应急机制研究

构建系统化、科学化的社会群体性事件的应急机制,把矛盾化解在基层,解决在萌芽状态,进一步打造政治稳定、社会安宁、经济发展、民生和谐、百姓满意、人民群众安居乐业的良好局面。     

Mapping foreign policy behavior: An assessment and evaluation of events structures

Employing events indices for cooperation and conflict from the COPDAB data set, the graphic structuring process established by Steven Brams, and several alternative methods of quantifying the resulting event digraphs, this paper examines the utility of the graphic structuring process in efforts at explanation and prediction. Arguing that if the graphic structure represents an underlying structural order in the foreign policy behavior of states, predictability should exist between the graphic portrayal and other behavioral structures around it. Despite face validity in the sociometric qualities of the digraph results, little predictive capability was uncovered. The paper explains the testing process, disc asses the test results, and proposes alternative uses for the structural mapping procedure.     

A process tracing plausibility probe of uneven democratization's effects on cooperative dyads: The case of Zambia and Zimbabwe 1980–1993

In this article we conduct a plausibility probe of the hypothesis that uneven democratization decreases cooperation within primarily cooperative dyads. This hypothesis is derived from a combination of Remmer's theory of democratization and international cooperation with democratic peace theory. The case of cooperation and conflict between two small powers, Zambia and Zimbabwe, from the latter's independence in 1980 to 1993 fits Eckstein's criteria for a useful plausibility probe. In addition to overall, bilateral and regional interactions between the two countries, we examine relations in the political, economic, strategic, and physical environment issue areas. Methodologically, we combine time series analysis of events coded in the COPDAB format and interviews with policy makers. We find that, although net cooperation between the two countries remained positive during the entire 1980–1993 period, it decreased significantly overall and in economic issues after the beginning of the Zambian democratic transition in June 1990. Our data allow us to trace the process involved in this decline in net cooperation, ruling out some alternative explanations but not concurrent Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), and showing how even slightly uneven democratization was an important cause because it decreased similarity and trust, while not decreasing transparency, and increased uncertainty and thus nationalist responses. We conclude that this plausibility probe justifies further systematic research on the effects of uneven democratization on cooperative dyads to test our hypothesis on cases with and without SAPs, and suggests the utility of further probes of the effects of different types of uneven change on various types of dyads.