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121.
刘琼 《中共山西省委党校学报》2009,32(4):92-94
詹姆逊在他的“认知测绘”理论指导下,做了两种测绘尝试,分别是为晚期资本主义的文化逻辑测绘、为当代全球化测绘。他的测绘尝试体现了辩证思维方法、总体化方法、中介化方法和历史性方法。他的“认知测绘”方法论对于个人和国家都具有重要的指导意义。个人可以根据总体关系,绘制出自己与当地和国家的社会关系;国家可以利用其确立自己在全球政治、经济、文化格局中的地位。 相似文献
122.
Christopher Palmberg 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2008,33(6):631-652
Nanotechnology has been proposed as the next general purpose technology and engine for growth for the 21th century. Increasing
public R&D investments are foremost reflected in the growth of scientific publications, while nanotechnology still is in an
uncertain phase of development with various directions of commercialization pending. This paper focuses on the challenges,
modes and outcomes of nanotechnology as an emerging science-based field in Finland. The paper contributes by interrogating
how challenges and modes of nanotechnology transfer differ across universities and companies and determine outcomes broadly
defined. It uses survey data covering university and company researchers in the Finnish nanotechnology community. The results
show significant differences in the perceptions of researchers across these organisations, and highlight specific challenges
and modes as determinants of outcomes. The specificities of nanotechnology are also assessed.
相似文献
Christopher PalmbergEmail: |
123.
Does information about the consequences of proposals to change the Norwegian parliamentary electoral system influence voters' and politicians' attitudes towards the system? Is the willingness to accept change greater among voters/politicians who “lose” under the present electoral system? These questions are illuminated using empirical data from two identical survey experiments, with responses from both voters and politicians about 1) increased proportionality between parties (more seats for smaller parties) and 2) increased geographical proportionality (stronger representation for the more populous counties). The results show that being informed about the consequences of the proposals has a major effect on voters' and politicians' attitudes. This applies especially to the question of increased proportionality between parties, where feedback was particularly negative from respondents who were told that the proposal might weaken the larger parties’ representation and make it more difficult to establish viable governments. The responses to the question about increased proportionality between parties were also influenced by partisanship; politicians who belonged to or voters who voted for one of the smaller parties favour increased proportionality. We also find that there is limited support for the proposal to distribute parliamentary seats according to the number of inhabitants in the counties, and this support is further reduced when the respondents are informed that the measure will increase representation from the more populous parts of the country. 相似文献
124.
A prevalent assumption in the economic voting literature is that voters’ retrospective evaluations are based on very recent outcomes only, that is, they are myopic. I test this assumption by drawing on a population-based survey experiment from Turkey. Turkey presents a good opportunity to explore voters’ time horizons for economic voting: the long tenure of the same single-party government entailed periods of both good and poor performance, and its overall record to date has been better than its immediate predecessors. I find that voters can provide divergent assessments of incumbent’s performance in managing the economy over different time periods that are in line with the country’s macroeconomic trajectory. Moreover, voters’ evaluations of the incumbent’s performance during its entire tenure have a stronger effect on economic vote than their shorter-term evaluations, defying voter myopia. I provide evidence that long-term outcomes might weigh heavier in voters’ considerations than commonly assumed. 相似文献
125.
Timothy?C.?HartEmail author Callie?Marie?Rennison Chris?Gibson 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2005,21(3):345-363
For more than three decades the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)—and its predecessor the National Crime Survey (NCS)—have been used to calculate estimates of nonfatal crime in the United States. Though the survey has contributed much to our understanding of criminal victimization, some aspects of the survey’s methodology continue to be analyzed (e.g., repeat victimizations, proxy interviews, and bounding). Surprisingly, one important aspect of NCVS methodology has escaped this scrutiny: respondent fatigue. A potential source of nonsampling error, fatigue bias is thought to manifest as respondents become “test wise” after repeated exposure to NCVS survey instruments. Using a special longitudinal NCVS data file, we revisit the presence and influence of respondent fatigue in the NCVS. Specifically, we test the theory that respondents exposed to longer interviews during their first interview are more likely to refuse to participate in the survey 6 months later. Contrary to expectations based on the literature, results show that prior reporting of victimization and exposure to a longer interview is not a significant predictor of a noninterview during the following time-in-sample once relevant individual characteristics are accounted for. Findings do demonstrate significant effects of survey mode and several respondent characteristics on subsequent survey non-participation. 相似文献
126.
黄岩松 《长沙民政职业技术学院学报》2004,11(1):81-82
作者通过分析我国近十年来《中医基础理论》(以下简称“中基”)教学改革的研究成果,试图找到“中基”教学的规律以及今后课程改革的发展方向。 相似文献