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81.
不宜在涉外民事关系法律适用法中就什么是"涉外"作出规定。最密切联系原则的第二层含义,即确定适用的法律与该涉外民事关系不具有密切联系的,则适用与该涉外民事关系具有最密切联系的法律,有可能妨碍涉外民事关系法律适用法的正确适用。涉外民事关系法律适用法第4条中的强制性规定主要是指我国刑法和行政法、经济法中的强制性规定。涉外民事关系法律适用法对规避未作明确规定,但明确规定不适用反致。涉外民事关系法律适用法允许当事人协议选择动产物权的法律适用,有一定的考虑。鉴于国际条约的复杂性,涉外民事关系法律适用法未规定国际条约的适用问题。 相似文献
82.
Eduardo Baistrocchi 《The Modern law review》2012,75(4):547-577
This article aims to offer the first structural analysis of tax disputes under institutional instability using a core element of the international tax regime as an example. It offers a theory grounded on Mancur Olson's seminal contribution to group dynamics, the logic of collective action. It also suggests implications of this theory that might help to address key enforcement issues faced by the international tax regime in a frequent context worldwide: institutionally unstable countries. 相似文献
83.
沈玉忠 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2010,22(4):104-109
随着2009年2月《刑法修正案(七)》的颁行,偷税罪罪状内容发生了重大变化。通过对偷税罪罪状设计的历史考察,结合分析《刑法修正案(七)》中偷税罪条文内容的修改,不难发现,逃税罪罪状的新设计透射出理性与宽容的光芒,这与当下宽严相济刑事政策相契合。这反映出我国刑事立法的科学性与进步性。另外,逃税罪罪状的重新设计使得人们重新审视逃税行为的本旨等问题,因此,逃税罪罪状的新设计是刑事立法史上里程牌式的标志并非是“过誉”之词。 相似文献
84.
俄罗斯税制改革的政治影响分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
普京上台伊始,即把发展经济、建立强大的国家确定为俄联邦的首要任务。普京认为,使俄罗斯失去其国际强势地位和独立性的很大原因是国家税收乏力,因此俄罗斯当务之急是尽快改革原有的税制结构和税收制度①。在普京的大力推动下,俄罗斯进行了大规模税制改革。以简化税制、减少税种、降低税率、减轻税负为核心的税制改革取得了很大成功,使俄罗斯“成为一个建立了良好税收制度的国家”。在此基础上,普京提出了进一步深化税改,在今后两年内全面完成税收改革的新的奋斗目标。 相似文献
85.
税收的本质是人民与国家间的“契约”,而契约所蕴涵的平等、协商等理念正是我国当代税务行政中的稀缺品质。平等理念拓展了长期局限于纳税人间的传统平等观,将平等延伸至税务机关,重视实质平等。协商理念蕴涵双向交流与沟通之意,体现了对行政相对人意志表达的尊重倾向,也将为单一的权力行政手段增添活力与弹性。平等、协商理念对于提升纳税人主体地位、增进税收公平、改善征纳关系、实现高效行政都颇具现实意义。 相似文献
86.
Donald A. Krueckeberg 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(1):9-30
Abstract In a recent study of neighborhood development, Goetz and Sidney (1994) found an “ideology of property” separating the interests of homeowners from the interests of lower‐income tenants. According to this ideology, owners are better citizens than renters, and therefore public policy should benefit owners at the expense of renters. In spite of continuing research that shows this allegation to be false, a widespread bias against renters persists. Why is this so? A deliberate bias favoring property owners and harming renters has been prominent in American public policy from colonial times to the present, although its exact form has varied over time—property requirements for suffrage, land redistribution schemes promising ownership but delivering tenancy and poverty, and tax policies that privilege ownership and punish tenancy. Public policy that stigmatizes renters represents a bias as pernicious as other biases of gender, race, religion, and nationality. 相似文献
87.
Abstract The Low‐Income Housing Tax Credit (housing credit) that Cummings and Di‐Pasquale portray is effective, efficient, and healthy. However, rapid changes in the industry have turned some of their data stale, and the absence of suitable context and information invalidate some key analyses and findings. Moreover, the researchers sometimes seem to see the glass as 10 percent empty instead of 90 percent full. A practitioners’ perspective is more positive. The housing credit generates an array of public benefits while harnessing private investors’ business discipline. Genuinely low‐income tenants occupy the housing. The housing revitalizes low‐income communities. Properties are in good financial and physical condition. The housing credit is also cost effective. The economic fundamentals of producing low‐income rental housing, not the housing credit, necessitate substantial subsidies. A remarkably high proportion of the federal tax‐credit subsidy goes into the housing, and investor returns are modest. Nonprofit‐sponsored production appears to cost more because nonprofits are prominent in high‐cost locations and for other similar reasons, not because nonprofit developers are inefficient. 相似文献
88.
Edwin S. Mills 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):203-218
Abstract About 40 million Americans have mortgages serviced by escrow accounts. Yet escrow accounts are rarely covered by an explicit agreement between borrower and lender and are often poorly understood. As a result, escrow accounts have become the subject of growing controversy. Federal regulation of escrow accounts has become increasingly detailed and intrusive during the past two decades, and the subject is under almost continuous regulatory review. In the 1990s, the attorneys general of at least 10 states have sued large escrow account servicers over administration of accounts. The purposes of this article are to explain briefly how escrow accounts work, benefit relevant parties, and are regulated by federal agencies, and to evaluate alternative regulatory programs. Most of the legitimate social goals of federal regulation could be achieved by requiring an explicit escrow agreement at the time of closing on a mortgage. A second‐best requirement would be that interest be paid on escrow balances. 相似文献
89.
Kenneth R. Harney 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):321-327
Abstract This article uses survey data from the Moving to Opportunity demonstration program in Chicago to explore changes for households moving from public housing. The focus is on two key areas: housing and neighborhood conditions, and labor force participation and employment of householders. The experimental design of the program allows the differences between comparison households, which moved with a regular Section 8 voucher, and experimental households, which moved to low‐poverty neighborhoods with housing counseling assistance, to be examined. The findings, based on interviews an average of 18 months after families moved, reveal dramatic improvements in neighborhood and housing conditions for all participating families; experimental families experienced even greater gains in terms of housing and especially neighborhood conditions. Labor force participation and employment increased for householders in both groups, likely fueled by the robust economy throughout much of the country and supporting similar findings for program participants in New York and Boston. 相似文献
90.
Abstract Goodman finds from his analysis of the 2001 Residential Finance Survey that multifamily housing bears a higher effective property tax rate (EPTR) than single‐family owner‐occupied housing and argues that much of the differential is associated with the lower average property value of apartments. We offer comments on how this important research can be enhanced and analyze the EPTR by using a different database, the Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the decennial census. Like Goodman, we find from the PUMS that the EPTR of multifamily housing is high relative to that of single‐family detached housing and that lower‐value multifamily housing has a higher EPTR relative to that of higher‐value multifamily units. We offer preliminary findings from the PUMS on the implications of the EPTR for development patterns (it may discourage smart growth), equity (the poor and minorities bear a higher tax burden), and housing (high EPTRs challenge affordability). 相似文献