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871.
Yanbing Er 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2018,33(97):316-330
ABSTRACTWhile commentaries on the phenomenon of postfeminism have centred on its manifestations in media and popular culture, this article highlights the potential of literature for extending existing debates within postfeminist studies. I argue that the emergence of contemporary women’s autofiction offers the possibility of a literary response to the individualising narrative of a neoliberal and postfeminist sensibility. I advance this contention via an analysis of two texts: Sheila Heti’s How Should A Person Be? (2012) and Jenny Offill’s Dept. of Speculation (2014). Their writing practice is resolutely political because it employs the confessional mode, as indebted to the emancipatory roots of the feminist movement, to reflect on the enduring marginality of female artistic identity. By foregrounding the inherently provisional nature of their being, both texts emphasise that the search for a viable artistic consciousness and experiments in artistic method are as crucial as the final product itself, especially when the definition of woman as artist still remains contested. I thus locate the existence of these texts in a wider social imaginary conducive for feminist organising. In this respect, the rising popularity of contemporary women’s autofiction may offer strategies crucial for remediating an otherwise diminished feminist politics of the present. 相似文献
872.
This article argues that accounts of the Russian media system that tend to view the time from Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in 2000 as a single homogenous period do not capture major qualitative shifts in state-controlled media coverage. By analyzing the output of Russia’s two main television channels during Putin’s third presidential term, we identify a range of distinctly new features that amount to a new media strategy. This involves a significant increase in the coverage of political issues through the replacement of infotainment with what we term agitainment—an ideologically inflected content that, through adapting global media formats to local needs, attempts to appeal to less engaged and even sceptical viewers. Despite the tightening of political control over the media following the annexation of Crimea, the new strategy paradoxically has strengthened the constitutive role played by the state-controlled broadcasters in the articulation of official discourse. 相似文献
873.
We employ a political ambition framework to study women’s under-representation in Russian local politics. We conduct a survey of current heads of municipal districts and municipal urban and rural settlements in four regions of the Russian Federation. The study reveals gendered pathways to local leadership positions. The advantage of incumbency is fully used by male politicians: male incumbents are more likely than female incumbents to run for re-election. Self-initiated ambition, term in office, and age explain the decisions of male executives to run for re-election. Female incumbents are likely to run for a subsequent term only if they are supported by the United Russia Party. 相似文献
874.
Kirra Minton 《Journal of Australian Studies》2017,41(1):3-17
In 1952, when Australian teenagers were beginning to emerge as their own distinct social and consumer group, the Australian Women’s Weekly introduced a column specifically targeted at teens. “Youth Sums Up” was intended for both boys and girls, but by 1954 it had developed into For Teenagers, a monthly lift-out aimed predominantly at girls, which became Australia’s first version of a national teen girl magazine. In this article, I examine the ways in which the Weekly used its teen segments and lift-outs to mould teenage girls into the 1950s feminine ideal, and to sell the products that reflected the attitudes and values of the time to this new and powerful young market. I also demonstrate that while the Weekly’s teen segments promoted a traditional femininity, some of its teen girl readers publicly rejected these notions within the pages of the magazine, giving us a broader understanding of teenage girls, girl culture, and what is usually defined as a purely conservative decade. 相似文献
875.
The international crisis has exerted a strong impact on the National Innovation Systems (NIS) of three Southern European economies: Italy, Portugal and Spain. These countries represent interesting cases for analysing responses to the crisis because they show a sort of innovation paradox: despite the weakness of their institutional systems and the defensive policies developed by governments, some of their companies have nevertheless been able to innovate even during the hardest years of the recession. In order to shed light on this paradox, three matters are taken into account: the distinctive features of the South European National Innovation Systems; the behaviour of governments and companies; the ‘generative dynamics’ and the ‘creative processes’ that have taken place during the crisis. 相似文献
876.
Sevinc Elaman-Garner 《Journal of Gender Studies》2017,26(4):432-445
Critics often read Halide Edib Ad?var’s Raik’in Annesi (Raik’s Mother, 1909) as an affirmation of the author’s vision of ‘ideal’ womanhood, one which is aligned with the visions of reformers involved in the projects of Turkish nationalism and modernisation. This article presents an analysis of the novel that both incorporates and goes beyond such accounts. Instead of focusing on depictions of the heroine (Refika) as signs of female objectification or as reflections of Ad?var’s views on the woman question, the analysis focuses on the dialogic properties of the text in order to attend to the ways in which the heroine is presented as the locus of an ongoing conflict between her own aspirations for independence and the various opinions and judgements about her that are set within the discursive boundaries of ‘ideal’ womanhood. The analysis draws on Bakhtin’s theory of dialogism (and concepts related to it, in particular ‘authoritative and internally persuasive discourse’ and the notion of internal dialogue) and examines the tension between the hegemonic discourse that asserts the role of ‘ideal’ wife-mother and the dissenting voices in the text that provide insight into the heroine’s experiences and struggles for autonomy. In doing so, we can develop a sense of the polyvocal, dialogic and inconsistent depiction of the heroine while drawing out the texts’ critiques of the conventions of womanhood and marriage and their effects on women. By analysing such contradictory depictions of Refika, the article aims to draw attention to the way in which the text problematises the image of ‘ideal’ womanhood, whilst offering reflection on the novel’s concluding commentary on the woman struggle for agency and freedom. 相似文献
877.
Linguistic turn from epistemology to linguistic philosophy constitutes the most important philosophy thinking foundation in 20th century western Jurisprudence. Under the background of this kind of theory current of thought H.L.A. Hart, the master of western Jurisprudence, succeeded in applying the theory of language game advocated by Wittgenstein into the research of Jurisprudence and caused the pragmatic turn of 20th century western Jurisprudence. Hart’s methodology is one of the most precious resources in Chinese Jurisprudence research, so our Jurisprudence research should learn and benefit from it. 相似文献
878.
Jakub Wódka 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(2):295-315
This paper investigates the impact transnational cooperation with European Union (EU) partners has had on Turkish political parties – the ruling Justice and Development Party and the Republican People’s Party. Two main platforms of transnational cooperation, i.e., affiliation with political families in the European Parliament and the workings of the EU–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee, are scrutinized. The article posits that transnational cooperation with partners on a European level has had a limited – if any – socialization effect on Turkish political organization. This stems mainly from ideological divergences between Turkish political parties and their European counterparts, EU scepticism which permeates political elites in Turkey as well as rising anti-Turkish sentiments within the EU establishment. 相似文献
879.
Adeoye O. Akinola 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2016,11(2):38-51
The formation of the New Partnership for African Development (NePAD) in 2001 at the African Union (AU) Summit in Lusaka, Zambia, marked the advent of what is regarded as a novel development strategy crafted by Africans for Africa. Rooted in former South African President thabo Mbeki’s call for an African renaissance, the initiative seeks to trigger the continent’s economic development by encouraging African states to explore the prevailing international economic order or globalisation. this article explores NePAD’s capacity to foster economic development in Africa, assesses the reasons for its establishment, reviews its mandate and examines institutional mechanisms for achieving its goals. the article takes issue with the ‘westernisation’ of the ‘discourse’ of Africa and calls for the revitalisation of NePAD’s strategy for sustainable African development. 相似文献
880.
Michael Frendo 《圆桌》2016,105(1):15-20
This article argues that the Commonwealth needs to speak with a distinctive voice on a range of issues confronting the world, failing which it will lose its relevance. This calls for inspirational and strong leadership and a clear focus on the organisation’s charter. Among the concrete proposals suggested by the article for the reinvigoration of the Commonwealth is the establishment of a Commission for Democracy, the Rule of Law and Human Rights inspired by the model of the Council of Europe Venice Commission. 相似文献