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61.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):593-605
ABSTRACT

Various authors have referred to the use of ‘purposive’ or ‘strategic’ approach to proactively excluding trade unions from collective bargaining. The assumption has been that exclusion is an end in itself, a return to managerial prerogative, a move back from involvement with trade unions. However, there is a ‘lacuna’ of research into negotiating processes. This research study aims to fill that lacuna in using a case in the UK where access was given to relevant documents and staff over a period of months following the derecognition process in a major process plant; this comprised two separate derecognition processes: internal and external, both affecting two craft unions. This empirical evidence questions the simple dichotomy of ‘purposive’ versus ‘reactive’ derecognition and illustrates the complexity of the processes. Further, the care with which this firm approached the issue of improving productivity illustrates that managerial power is a dynamic, not a static necessary condition for coercive change.  相似文献   
62.
Women Against State Pension Inequality (WASPI) has mounted a vociferous campaign for full compensation to be given to ‘1950s women’ who, it argues, have suffered severe financial hardship as a result of the rise in their state pension age from age 60. That campaign has gained significant political traction, with much sympathy expressed for the plight of those affected and acceptance (most notably by the Scottish National Party and the Labour Party) that some form of compensation is urgently needed. But WASPI fails to acknowledge the rise in the state pension age's roots in the fight for women's equality, disregards the fact that the problems experienced by this cohort as they near retirement are faced by both women and men and glosses over the fact that the increase in pension age above 65 applies to both genders equally. Its campaign obscures deeper and more important issues in old‐age income replacement.  相似文献   
63.
Do prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote.  相似文献   
64.
While many have noted that EU member states have different preferences over the prospect of an integrated EU defence, analyses that specifically explore state–industry relations in the definition of EU defence-industrial issues, and in the evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy in general, are lacking. This is surprising, given that different configurations of government–industry relations have represented a persistent impediment to European defence-industrial cross-border collaboration. This article investigates how state–defence industry relations impact on member states’ preferences towards the EU defence-industrial framework. Based on the case studies of the interaction of France and the UK with the European Defence Agency, this analysis focuses on the difference between public and private defence firms’ governance settings as the crucial explanatory variable accounting for diverging member states’ preferences in this domain.  相似文献   
65.
宰相在中国古代作为“百官之长”,所谓“一人之下,万人之上”,是辅佐君主处理国家大政的最高行政长官。宰相制度是君主制度的调节机制和必要补充。本介绍了与宰相制度相适应的行政中枢机构的萌发、形成、发展和转换过程,力图在动态描述中把握中央辅政体制的演变规律和发展态势,从中获得有益的启示。  相似文献   
66.
The issue of sovereignty has never been resolved in Scotland. The 1998 Scotland Act, creating the Scottish Parliament affirmed that the Westminster Parliament is sovereign, but this is disputed. In practice, the issue was left largely in abeyance as sovereignty was seen as an outdated concept. The Scottish independence referendum of 2014 and the UK Brexit referendum of 2016 both brought back the question of sovereignty in stark terms. Analysis of data from the British Election Study of 2019 with regard to (a) the right of Scottish self‐determination, and (b) the right of a UK‐wide majority to take Scotland out of the EU, allows us to identify ‘sovereigntists’ and ‘unionists’. Sovereigntists, on both dimensions, now constitute a majority. A smaller group of unionists reject both positions. There remains a group of ‘semi‐sovereigntists’ who accept Scottish self‐determination, but also that the UK as a whole should decide on Brexit. Controlling for the social and political factors, Scots are increasingly polarised around issues of sovereignty, which have become central to contemporary Scottish politics.  相似文献   
67.
Abstract

The UK Independence Party (UKIP) has moved from being a single-issue party par excellence to a broader party of protest, taking advantage of wider feelings of discontent and disconnection. However, the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU fundamentally challenged its development and operation, by removing a core part of the party’s rationale and identity, and radically shifting the overall political landscape. This paper considers the re-positioning through the referendum period, both rhetorically and organisationally. Drawing on party press releases and media coverage, the paper argues that UKIP has become caught in a set of multiple transformations, pushing it in the longer term towards a more conventionally populist position in a way that carries important resonances for other Eurosceptic parties across the continent.  相似文献   
68.
荀子的组织理论代表了战国末期儒家组织管理理论的最高水平。当我们从现代组织理论的视角去解读荀子组织理论时,会发现它是超越性与局限性的矛盾综合体。本文拟从定职不定员的等级制,弱君强相的礼法之治,夺人之心的组织发展观三方面,对荀子的组织理论加以梳理,以期为现代管理者吸收中国传统管理智慧提供借鉴。  相似文献   
69.
Mark Langan 《圆桌》2016,105(5):477-487
Abstract

Brexit will of course have major implications for trade between Commonwealth African nations and the European continent. In the short term, the European Commission’s Economic Partnership Agreements with regional groups such as the East African Community will be complicated by the UK’s decision to leave the European project. Moreover, there are longer-term consequences to be considered, not least the role which the UK—as an independent trade actor—will adopt in its trade relations with Commonwealth African countries. This article examines the impact of Brexit for Commonwealth African nations’ trade with Europe (including the UK). It particularly points to several potential pitfalls arising from the Brexit referendum vis-à-vis African development.  相似文献   
70.
正On December 26,2013,Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited the Yasukuni Shrine,where 14Class-A World War II war criminals,including Hideki Tojo,who was prime minister of Japan for most of the war,are enshrined.These statesmen and military offi cers were responsible for maintaining a 14-year-long period of aggression towards China,for the Nanjing Massacre,for the sexual abuse of socalled"comfort women"in East and Southeast Asia,and for the attack on Pearl Harbor that provoked the Pacif ic War.Convicted of war crimes in 1946 at the International  相似文献   
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