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排序方式: 共有196条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
Mohammad Mazher Idriss 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2018,42(4):321-339
This paper concerns recommendations for intervention in honour-based violence (“HBV”) as recommended by individuals who face such violence in their everyday lives. Utilising data extracted from interviews conducted with 30 key agents and 8 South-Asian female survivors in the UK, this paper will argue that UK public agencies are struggling to cope with how to respond to HBV. This is despite the UK government recognising shortcomings in the support for victims in the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee report in 2008. In particular, participants identified that (a) the police, healthcare, and social services are particularly poor at supporting victims; (b) public sector workers require appropriate training and awareness on HBV; (c) education on HBV and forced marriages is absent in schools, colleges, and universities; and (d) more needs to be done to engage and educate communities about HBV and where victims can access support. 相似文献
82.
Kate Alexander-Shaw 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(3):462-465
This article considers the argument by Tim Vlandas, in this issue, that an ageing electorate may undermine democracies’ ability to make the right economic choices. Vlandas suggests that the emergence of gerontocratic politics may give rise to ‘gerontonomia’: an economy run for the old, at the expense of younger generations and of future prosperity. However, evidence from the UK suggests a more mixed picture. Age-based voting patterns have been consequential around single issues, not least the 2016 Brexit referendum. However, voters’ interests in broad economic policy models are not easily reducible to age dynamics, and intergenerational politics are filtered through a set of normative and affective considerations beyond straightforward self-interest. Moreover, since the rational interests of different age groups do not speak for themselves, cueing by political elites is potentially significant and may be contributing to older voters’ relative tolerance of a poor economic record. 相似文献
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This article contributes to the growing literature on the use of computer-mediated communications to research illicit markets. In it, we conduct an analysis of the British cannabis market using data crowdsourced from a publicly available platform, PriceofWeed.com. Crowd-sourced transaction data present some new insights into the British cannabis market. First, this study has tracked the trafficking flow of cannabis within the UK. Second, it shows the extent to which a quantity discount is granted to consumers. Third, it discusses purchasing habits of cannabis users. Conclusions suggest new areas of application of crowdsourcing to research hard to reach and deviant populations. 相似文献
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The Proper Purpose Rule as a Constraint on Directors’ Autonomy – Eclairs Group Limited v JKX Oil & Gas plc
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The recent case of Eclairs Group Limited v JKX Oil & Gas plc highlights the pressures faced by company directors in change of control situations, in which they may be tempted to take action to prevent or discourage such change. The Supreme Court decision provides important clarity on the scope of the proper purpose rule in these (and other) situations. We explore the implications of different judicial interpretations of the proper purpose rule for the autonomy of directors in their decision‐making. We do this by focusing on the scope of the proper purpose rule, whether a subjective or objective test is employed in the application of the rule and the test for causation where a director is motivated by mixed purposes. 相似文献
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刘道云 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,(5):63-66
注意义务是英美侵权法过失侵权责任构成的核心要素,对其存在与否及程度的判断是法官裁判和行为人承担过失侵权责任的前提和基础.注意义务在司法判例基础上确立和发展,其检验规则也在判例基础上由“二步骤”检验法发展为“三部分”检验法.对英国侵权法中注意义务及其检验规则的演进与发展的研究是深入研究英美侵权法的理论基础,具有重大的理论... 相似文献
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Asanga Welikala 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(4):786-794
This article comparatively analyses processes of democratic deconsolidation in the Asian Commonwealth states of Malaysia and Sri Lanka by examining two recent constitutional crises in which the head of state dismissed, or attempted to dismiss, the serving prime minister during a parliamentary term. These episodes brought to a close fledgling reform movements that had obtained historic electoral mandates in both countries. The article discusses the Westminster-derived constitutional provisions concerning government formation as well as the distinctive features of political culture that animate those formal frameworks in the two countries. It is argued that while Malaysia and Sri Lanka possess the formal institutions of liberal democracy that notionally enable both pluralistic democracy and greater democratisation, their political cultures still have sufficient potency to be a counteracting force against the deeper consolidation of constitutional democracy. Democratisation therefore remains a work in progress in both countries. 相似文献