冷战后联合国维和行动发展评析

联合国维和行动是联合国维护世界和平与安全的重要手段.在美苏对峙的冷战时期,联合国维和行动的发展受到极大的抑制.冷战结束后,新的国际政治与安全形势为联合国维和行动的开展提供了前提条件和机遇,国际社会对维和行动提出了新的要求,因此联合国维和行动得到了迅速发展并表现出许多新的特点和发展趋势.但是,由于国际环境的变化和日趋复杂,冷战后的联合国维和行动也面临着一些问题与挑战,这些问题和挑战对联合国维和行动的未来发展将产生重要影响.     

印度争当安理会常任理事国与大国关系

冷战后 ,印度把争当安理会常任理事国作为其大国战略的有机组成部分。印度的“常任”诉求难以回避与德、日、巴 (西 )等候选国的竞争和博弈 ,更要取决于印度与五大常任理事国的关系互动。作为“五常”之一的中国就此应采取什么态度 ,关乎中国的战略利益。     

试论联合国体制的走向

作为联合国体制形成基础的两极国际格局虽已瓦解,但由于尚无新极崛起,因而联合国体制暂时不会发生突变.在新极崛起引起联合国体制突变之前,次强国将会联合起来促使联合国体制发生一定范围和一定程度的渐变.不论是渐变还是未来的突变,联合国体制的集体安全制度总体将被保留下来,它是国际体制发展的基本方向.联合国体制中不能体现国家平等以及不能有效维持国际和平与安全的内容将逐步改变,朝着完善争端解决程序的方向发展.     

日本谋求常任理事国进程中的ODA外交

冷战结束后的10年间,日本0DA的金额每年都位居世界第一,日本以此作为谋求成为联合国安理会常任理事国的重要外交手段,这一阶段日本的0DA也从以谋求经济利益为主要目标转变为更重视政治利益的外交手段.     

UNDERSTANDING CHILDREN'S RIGHTS: THEORY AND PRACTICE

This article discusses the meaning of children's rights in the context of the European Convention on Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Both place primary responsibility for the upbringing and education of children on their parents and families. The freedom of parents to bring up their children in their own way is an important component of a liberal democracy founded on respect for individual differences. So if parents believe in moderate corporal punishment as a means of educating their children in their own religious beliefs, is the state justified in banning such punishment either in school or in the home in order to protect the children's rights? This article discusses the children's rights which are protected by doing so.     

联合国关于非殖民化的机制与实践

殖民主义是资本主义的产物.进入20世纪以来,人类社会进入了彻底铲除殖民制度的时代.在推进非殖民化的进程中,联合国建立了自治领体系和托管体系,把非殖民化纳入国际监督机制;设立托管理事会,引进法律措施及维和措施,在实践上将《非殖民化宣言》的"民族自决权"转变为"民族独立和解放"的现实;为在2000年以前根除殖民主义作出了巨大贡献.     

Balancing inside and outside lobbying: The political strategies of lobbyists at global diplomatic conferences

This article seeks to explain the use of inside and outside lobbying by organised interests at global diplomatic conferences. At first sight, the lobbying at these venues is puzzling as it does not seem to be a very fruitful way to acquire influence. The use of outside strategies especially is perplexing because most aspects of international negotiations fall outside of the purview of national constituencies. It is argued in this article, however, that the presence of outside lobbying is not so puzzling if lobbying is seen both as a way to attain influence and as a way to pursue organisational maintenance goals. Empirically, the article draws on interview data with 232 interest group representatives that participated at either the 2012 session of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference in Geneva, or the 2011 (Durban) and 2012 (Doha) United Nations Climate Conferences. The analysis demonstrates that organisational needs, and especially the competition actors face in obtaining resources, significantly affects the relative focus of organised interests on inside and outside lobbying.     

The debate on a regional arms register in Southeast Asia

Abstract

ASEAN member states are no longer opposed in principle to military information sharing and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is now actively considering ideas for new confidence‐building measures in this area. The first specific transparency measure supported by ARF was the UN Register of Conventional Arms, whose success in the region has been a result, at least in part, of its flexibility. Because of the limited scope of the UN Register, debate has continued on the possibility of a regional Register. As this debate has proceeded, however, it has become apparent that the creation of such a Register will require a number of complex and difficult issues to be resolved. What additional data should such a Register include? Who should be responsible for operating such a Register? Which countries should be included? Because of these difficulties, the prospects of a regional Register being established in the near future are rather slender. But, as they become more comfortable with the concept of transparency, there is still considerable scope for ARF members to do more to adopt regional ‘best practice’ in their replies to the main UN Register. The Register formula of framework plus flexibility could also be used as a model for the development of parallel transparency arrangements in areas other than arms transfers. The experience of the Register debate suggest that the development of concrete confidence‐building measures in the ARF region is likely to be a gradual process. Progress is possible, but is unlikely to transform levels of national openness on military affairs overnight. The main obstacles to increased transparency may prove to be domestic and political rather than international and military: demonstrating once again the way in which the confidence‐building agenda is linked to broader debates about the necessary political foundations of a secure regional order.     

UN Troop Deployment and Preventing Violence Against Civilians in Darfur

ABSTRACT

Does the presence of UN peacekeeping force lower civilian fatalities at the local level? If it does, is it because of their coercive military capacity or for other reasons such as their roles in monitoring and reporting violent atrocities? To explore these questions, I study the deployment of peacekeeping units in Darfur and its impact on violence against civilians. Using original geocoded data of UN deployments before and after the intervention, I examine what aspects of such deployments impact one-sided civilian killings by government and rebel groups. Results indicate that deploying UN peacekeepers in an area restrains belligerent from targeting civilians. However, the military capacity of peacekeepers is not a significant predictor of violence against civilians. While their ability to defend themselves is extremely important for peacekeepers, these findings caution against the militarization trend in UN peacekeeping and seek to reshift focus on other substantive aspects of peacekeeping.     

Culture in the post-2015 development agenda: the anatomy of an international mobilisation

Throughout 2012–15 several actors were advocating that culture be explicitly integrated within the post-2015 UN development agenda. My article offers an anatomy of the recent international mobilisation in order to understand the cleavages and the contrasting visions. In doing so, it seeks to analyse the policy process through which the agenda is made, why and how a critical mass of actors is attempting to embrace the inclusion of culture in the post-2015 agenda and the political reactions vis-à-vis this mobilisation. The article argues, on the one hand, that the promotion of culture in the post-2015 agenda is largely based on UNESCO’s will to advance its policy agenda and enhance its position within the UN system and, on the other hand, that this mobilisation lacks political support from the most influential governments; therefore its chances of success are more than contingent.