印(尼)马对抗时期美英的外交矛盾与协调

印(尼)马对抗问题背后所体现的美国冷战政策与英国非殖民化政策,是影响战后东南亚政治发展的两大要因。美国为防止印尼倒向共产主义阵营,防止印支问题复杂化,极力回避美英特殊关系及《澳新美安全条约》所要求的军事援助义务,力主对苏加诺奉行和缓政策。而英国为维持既得利益,防止澳新偏离英联邦外交轨道,一方面通过《英马防务与互助协定》、《澳新马防务协定》加强对印尼军事防御,另一方面则力图联合美国共同承担战争责任,压制苏加诺接受马来西亚联邦。为此,美英两国在对印尼政策上不断采取外交协调,但在印尼九·三○事件发生前美英关系中的矛盾性始终无法调和,为此美国又联合日本共同实施对印尼援助政策,由此逐步降低英国在东南亚政治发展中的影响力。印(尼)马对抗时期美英的外交矛盾与协调在一定程度上反映出亚洲冷战发展中大国政治关系的分化与重组。     

Justifying grounds for multicultural policies in Korea: universal human rights versus benefits of diversity

Multicultural policies often deviate from the principle of equal opportunity since it assumes exclusive policy target groups with extra budget and appropriate organization. If this is so, by what rationale can multicultural policies be justified? Why should we accept such unequal treatment as a procedural method to achieve a more equal society as the final goal? This paper examines justifying logic for multicultural policies that inevitably have an arbitrary aspect of state intervention. This paper first differentiates two kinds of logic, namely universal human rights and the benefits of diversity, which provide supporting rationale for the implementation of multicultural policies. We can witness from the US history that the benefits of diversity have increasingly become the main logic justifying affirmative action instead of liberal discussions on social justice and universal human rights of the 1960s. Korea also shows such a shift towards a utilitarian justification which has focused heavily on the benefits of diversity. However, the utilitarian rationalization for multicultural transition can be easily withdrawn when the benefits of ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity disappear, suddenly leading to unexpected discriminatory situations. In this context, this paper argues that discussion of normative justification is required, and such discussions need to be internalized among the citizens of a political community.     

A comparison of Chinese judges' and US judges' knowledge and beliefs about eyewitness testimony

Abstract

We surveyed 170 Chinese judges about their knowledge and beliefs about eyewitness testimony, and compared their answers to a prior survey of 160 US judges. Although the Chinese judges were less knowledgeable than the US judges, both groups had limited knowledge of eyewitness testimony, including for such important issues as whether lay people can distinguish between accurate and inaccurate eyewitnesses. Unlike the US judges, greater knowledge of eyewitness factors for the Chinese judges was not related to beliefs that may be necessary to reduce eyewitness error. Compared to the US judges, the Chinese judges were much less likely to believe that they needed additional eyewitness training and that they knew more about eyewitness testimony than lay persons. We also discuss the impact of culture, legal systems, investigative procedures, and judges' function on the Chinese judges' responses, and the legal reforms that China may need to implement to reduce eyewitness error.     

Buster,Maranzano and the Castellammare War, 1930–1931

More than most issues surrounding the American Mafia, the history of the Castellammare War is contestable at both theoretical and empirical levels. As the alleged pivotal event in the creation of the contemporary structure of the US Mafia or Cosa Nostra, it is of obvious importance as a topic of historical investigation. But a survey of published works on the War and its consequences reveals confusion, inaccuracies, erroneous assumptions and missing information. This is the first major systematic attempt to explore the War and its consequences made since the 1970s. Aside from adding substantially to the stock of knowledge of the War and its participants, debates on the War are critically evaluated, using original source materials where possible. The Castellammare War did not have the ramifications assumed, when placed either in a broader context or from the vantage point of internal American Mafia dynamics.     

从英美经验看政府成功绩效管理的制度安排

绩效管理是英美等国政府再造中的一个重要的改革工具,对提升政府绩效起了积极的作用。但政府再造本身是一项复杂的系统工程,绩效管理要发挥其效用,还有赖于一系列配套的制度安排,以形成"制度合力"。     

传承与突破——欧美华人女性自传文学创作谈

突破了传记写作与女性写作的窠臼,大陆出身的欧美华人女作家以跨文化人的身份在其自传体文本中开拓了一种超越性别角色、民族立场的创作视角。摒弃了尖锐的性别立场与女性私人叙事,作品把个人心灵史的展示与社会历史叙事相互渗透,其西方价值体系为本的现代意识、“女性个体生存观”与文化比较的视野等等使欧美华人女性自传体创作完成了对于现代中国女性文学、自传体文学、华裔少数民族文学在价值评判、文化反思、性别观念、审美范式等诸多方面的创新与超越。     

美国有组织犯罪的侦查对策

通过对美国社会中有组织犯罪和帮派团伙犯罪的概念、特征、主要的活动方式等问题的论述,揭示美国执法部门面临的严重挑战,并针对美国有组织犯罪的发展趋势、打击有组织犯罪的法律变化与发展,探讨美国司法部门在侦查有组织犯罪过程中所采取的策略方法和手段措施,特别是如何防范和打击地区有组织犯罪的方法,对我国打击有组织犯罪具有极其重要的借鉴价值。     

The anglicisation of political marketing: how Blair ‘out‐marketed’ Clinton

Despite increasing academic interest in political marketing, confusion remains over its meaning and scope. Whilst most research focuses on its use in election campaigns, some argue that marketing influences other aspects of political behaviour. This paper contends that a lack of comparative research has contributed to this confusion. Theories derived from country‐specific studies may not be broadly applicable due to the impact of systemic differences. To show this, it analyses the case studies of Clinton in the 1992 US presidential election and Blair in the 1997 UK general election. Comparing the use of marketing in the two cases reveals that while systemic features created the scope for a broader, more coordinated and delivery‐oriented approach in the case of Labour, in both cases marketing influenced the design as well as the presentation of the ‘products’ on offer. This suggests that the potential applications of political marketing are broader than conventional definitions imply. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications.     

危机决策模式的选择性应用——以1995～1996年台海危机期间克林顿政府的决策过程为例

选择性利用国际危机模式对危机决策进行系统的分析,有助于摆脱单一模式分析的困境,深化对危机决策的理性认知和把握.组织过程决策模式可以对危机潜伏期的决策进行合理的解释.李登辉访美是组织过程决策的结果.但随着危机形势的发展,理性决策、组织过程决策和官僚决策开始综合产生作用.在危机高潮阶段,危机决策成了纯粹的官僚决策的过程.在危机的不同阶段,与危机处理紧密相关的功能性部门在决策中发挥主导性影响.     

Turkey's foreign policy options: Europe,the USA or Central Asia?

Accession to the European Union (EU) constitutes one of Turkey's primary foreign policy objectives. However, to establish whether the country would benefit from becoming part of an integrated Europe, its foreign policy alternatives to EU membership must also be examined. The first part of this article analyses Turkey's changing relations with Europe. Against this backdrop, the article then moves to assess Turkey's partnership with the USA and the potential of maintaining a close relationship independent from Europe. The role of Russia, Turkey's old neighbours and relations with the Turkic states, as well as the potential for attaining a leading role among them, are also considered. The argument is that Turkey may exploit its geostrategic position to pursue its core foreign policy interests and even assume an important regional role. However, Ankara ought to concentrate on what has long been its priority – full Turkish membership of the EU.