少数民族地区农户投资结构变动对收入的影响

西部少数民族地区农户投资结构不合理已严重制约了农户收入的增加,影响了农业、非农产业及农村的进一步发展。通过对少数民族地区农户投资结构进行测度,分析其对农户收入的影响,以期对优化农户投资结构,促进农户收入的增加提出合理化建议。     

The Economic Consequences of a Hung Parliament: Lessons from February 1974

The British general election on 10 May 2010 delivered Britain's first hung Parliament since February 1974, and in the run‐up, the Conservative party made much of the economic difficulties Britain faced in the second half of the 1970s in order to try and convince voters that anything other than a Tory vote would risk exposing the nation to the discipline of financial markets. The question of how well equipped an exceptional kind of British government is to deal with exceptional economic circumstances is therefore of paramount importance. This paper argues that the Conservative party made too much of the impact of the 1974 hung Parliament in precipitating subsequent economic crisis and suggests that as such, there is no reason to assume that the Conservative–Liberal coalition government is ill‐equipped to manage British economic affairs in difficult circumstances.     

少数民族大学生压力研究的问题与对策

我国心理学家在研究少数民族大学生的压力特点及成因方面取得了一定的成果,但也存在一定的问题,本文提出了改进少数民族大学生压力研究的对策,为进一步开展少数民族大学生的心理研究探索方向。     

多元文化视野的少数民族干部教育创新

和谐社会建设和民族地区社会发展对提高少数民族干部素质提出新要求，创新少数民族干部教育模式和培训策略成为重要的课题。     

侗族大歌知识产权保护探讨与法律保护分析

传统知识(TK)的知识产权保护是一个全球性的新课题,在现行的知识产权法律体制下,传统知识的知识产权遭受不当侵害也成了一个全球性的突出问题。作为“传统知识”的侗族大歌由于没有有效法律机制的保护同样不可避免地遭受了不当的侵害。本文提出在全球经济一体化、文化多元化的趋势下,侗族大歌知识产权保护当务之急应在署名权、改编权、演唱权、演唱者权、传播权、经济利益分享权等几个方面来进行立法保护。     

Social Influence and the Power of Minorities: An Analysis of the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Communist Manifesto</Emphasis>

In this paper, we investigate the strategies that a minority uses to exert direct influence toward social change through the qualitative analysis of a document that has prompted people toward collective action and change, namely the Communist Manifesto. To inform and guide the qualitative analysis, a social psychological model of social influence was used (G. Mugny, The Power of Minorities, Academic Press, London, 1982). According to this model, in order for minorities to exert influence it is important to target those in the majority that, although perhaps numerous, are powerless. The minority needs to create and maintain an antagonism with the powerful majority while, simultaneously, it needs to boost the identity of the powerless majority and to invent itself as the group that can guide them to overthrow the powerful. The analysis suggests that the minority follows three strategies: (a) The declaration of a world vision suggesting a system of categorization that objectifies power relations and creates different targets for influence and for conflict; (b) The construction of the minoritys identity as a particular group that is part but prototypical of the target of influence–the population; (c) The creation and maintenance of relations of antagonism with that part of the majority that holds the power. This enables the minority to avoid being portrayed as deviants, enables them to stand as equals to the majority, and creates the impression that the minority has the potential to overthrow the powerful majority from its position.     

试论国民政府对云南少数民族的调查

20世纪20年代以后, 英、日等帝国主义列强对云南边境少数民族地区不断入侵。为稳定边疆, 国民政府曾组织了多次对这些地区少数民族的调查。这些调查规模较大, 调查内容广泛, 涉及到民族名称、分布区域、语言文字、宗教信仰、土司情况、生产生活、人口情况等内容, 留下了大量宝贵的民族史、民族学、人类学资料, 尽管这些资料有很多不足甚至歪曲, 但作为中国历史上第一次以政府名义组织的较全面的云南少数民族调查, 对今天的边疆少数民族研究, 还是具有重要价值。     

民族地区突发事件与危机管理机制研究

近年来,我国民族地区突发事件的频发度与危害的严重性均呈上升趋势,已经明显阻碍了民族地区的经济发展乃至社会稳定。在对我国民族地区突发事件的表现形态、特征与产生原因等方面的特殊性进行深入分析的基础上,试图提出构建民族地区危机管理机制的基本思路。认为该机制的构建既需要发挥政府的主导作用,又不能单靠外援式或政府强制式推进,而应将民族传统文化与现代高科技相结合,发挥民族文化多样性优势,发掘和利用民间传统智慧,让民族地区的危机管理成为内源式的危机管理。     

From Subjects to Citizens: On Educational Reforms and the Demarcation of the “Israeli-Arabs”

Based on a critical analysis of the Arab educational policy, from Israel's independence in the 1970s, this article examines the pivotal role of the state in engendering the trends of Palestinianization and Israelization that arguably characterize the attitude of the Arab minority to the Israeli state. Exploring the educational reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, it shows the contingent relation between ethnicity and the state, and also, the interrelationship between the intra-Jewish and Jewish-Arab divides. Looking at the ethnicization of social relations not as a preordained upshot of primordial realities, the history of the reforms unravels the changing patterns of inclusion and exclusion that result in demarcating the Arab minority as both Israeli and Palestinian, and in constructing the oxymoronic category of “Israeli-Arabs”. Seen from the perspective of the goals for Arab and Jewish education, this category manifests the internalization of the “Arab Question” and the shift in educational policy from preclusion to incorporation, but also the limits of inclusion. These goals thus epitomize the ways in which the new discourse of meritocracy (resulting from the liberalizing of the economy and society) had determined civic equality between Arab and Jewish citizens, but equally important, the seclusion of the Arab minority from both the Jewish (ethnic) society and the Palestinian (national) collective. In this sense, I argue, neither Israelization nor Palestinianization were a matter of choice. Rather, both constitute the inevitable dual path for social and political inclusion, limited as it is.     

中央红军长征过广西是实践党的民族政策的源头

中央红军长征经过广西桂北地区时,首次制定了具体的民族政策,并向当地的少数民族群众认真宣传,在行动上严格执行,从而赢得了桂北各族人民的大力支持和帮助。这次民族政策的制定和实践,为后来乃至解放后制定党的民族政策提供了有益的借鉴。