新时期我国少数民族教育立法的内容及特点

少数民族教育立法是我国教育立法的重要组成部分。它对于保障和促进我国民族教育的改革与发展,维护少数民族平等的受教育权益,不断提升少数民族教育的品质,具有十分重要而深刻的意义。自20世纪90年代以来,我国民族教育立法步入了快速健康发展的新时期。本文对这一时期我国少数民族教育立法的内容及特点进行了较深入全面的阐述。     

建立少数民族女性教育评价指标体系的构想

少数民族女性的国民教育问题颇多,其主要原因受性别意识、教育环境和教育资源的限制和约束。少数民族女性的受教育过程和结果,与我国的现代化进程不相协调。构建少数民族女性教育评价指标体系,对正确评价目前我国少数民族女性教育有着现实意义,同时,对决策部门有着科学的参考咨询价值。     

20世纪上半叶中国少数民族艺术研究的分期问题

在20世纪上半叶,学界对中国少数民族艺术的研究可以划分为3个时期:1900至1919年为萌芽时期,中国少数民族艺术研究的视野开始展开;1920至1937年为奠基时期,中国少数民族艺术研究的理论方法基本确立;1938至1949年为发展时期,中国少数民族艺术研究的规范化得到进一步推进。     

Trauma‐Informed Approaches to Juvenile Justice: A Critical Race Perspective

Youth of color experience disproportionate juvenile justice contact and recidivism. Trauma‐informed approaches may provide important support to these youth and improve their future outcomes. This paper describes dynamics of the various levels of the juvenile justice system (i.e., police contact, courts, correctional placement, aftercare) that perpetuate psychological trauma among adjudicated youth of color. This paper explores trauma‐informed approaches from a critical race theory perspective to address issues of systemic racial injustice in the juvenile justice system. Current and emerging models for trauma‐informed juvenile justice and implications for practice, policy, and research are discussed.     

Portfolio allocation patterns and policy-making effectiveness in minority coalition governments

Although minority coalition has become a relatively frequent form of governance, it is often considered politically ineffective in policy making. To obtain sufficient support in parliament, government bills must go through the scrutiny activities initiated by coalition partners and overcome the concerns of external support parties in opposition. By examining parliamentary scrutiny on government bills, this paper explains the surprising policy-making effectiveness in minority coalition governments. Specifically, we argue and show that different patterns of portfolio allocation with the specific ideological locations of the ministerial office-holder, the coalition partner and the external supporter, structure the extent to which government bills are scrutinized in parliament, and therefore, the effectiveness of the minority coalition on managing and implementing policies. We empirically examine bills initiated by 256 ministries in 13 Danish minority coalitions between 1985 and 2015, and we reveal robust evidence that corroborates our argument.     

贵州侗族环境习惯法渊源研究

贵州侗族环境习惯法以其鲜活、具体、独特的形式在侗区环境保护过程中弥补了国家环境制定法由于宏观、抽象而留下的空白,为保护侗乡优美和谐的生态环境起到了跨越历史时空的作用。然而目前对该习惯法的研究还比较零散和不够深入。对贵州侗族环境习惯法的渊源及其内容进行系统和深入的掘进研究,有利于探寻和宣示侗族环境习惯法存续的内在价值,也为贵州乃至全国少数民族地区生态文明的建构发掘良好的地方性资源。     

乡村经济振兴与少数民族体育旅游资源的融合发展研究

该文主要采取田野调查法、深度访谈法、逻辑分析法等,对乡村振兴战略与少数民族体育旅游资源的融合发展问题进行了分析研究。研究结果认为,少数民族体育旅游资源的开发对促进民族的文化自信、促进区域经济发展、提升基层组织建设、强化社会自治能力等方面具有重要的价值;与此同时,少数民族体育文化的吸引力、少数民族体育活动的凝聚力、少数民族体育产品的创新力能够补充当下以观赏为主要特征的旅游产品缺陷,从而成为促进少数民族村落实现乡村振兴战略的重要手段;诚然,机遇与挑战并存,基于此该研究旨在分析其二者融合发展面临的机遇与挑战,并据此提出有针对性、可操作性强的融合发展策略,进而实现少数民族体育旅游资源开发助力乡村经济振兴的发展战略。     

‘Going institutional’ to overcome obstruction: Explaining the suppression of minority rights in Western European parliaments, 1945−2010

When and why do parliamentary majorities in Europe suppress parliamentary minority rights? This article argues that such reforms are driven by substantive policy conflict in interaction with existing minority rights. Government parties curb minority rights if they fear minority obstruction due to increased policy conflict and a minority-friendly institutional status quo. Empirical support is found for this claim using comparative data on all reforms in 13 Western European parliaments since 1945. A curbing of minority rights is significantly more likely under conditions of heightened policy conflict and these effects are stronger the more the institutional status quo favours opposition parties. Contrary to frequent claims of consensual rule changes from single-country studies in Europe, these findings demonstrate the importance of competitive strategies in explaining institutional reform in European parliaments. The conditional impact of the status quo provides interesting theoretical links to historical institutionalist arguments on path dependence.     

Democracy and minority language recognition: tyranny of the majority and the conditional effects of group size

What explains minority language recognition? Why are some governments more responsive than others to minority linguistic demands? While there are reasons to believe democracies – as protectors of civil liberties – are generally more likely to recognize minority demands, I argue only those without a sizable majority extend such recognition to the highest levels. This is because the dominance of one large linguistic group electorally impedes a democratic government’s ability to grant such benefits to the smaller ones. I test this argument by using a newly constructed measure of minority language recognition. This variable identifies whether a minority language is used in public education, and if so, it differentiates between instruction of and instruction in a minority language. I find that while democracies are indeed more likely to acknowledge minority languages, the effects are conditional: only those without a majority are able or willing to accommodate minorities to the fullest extent. Otherwise, when there is a tyranny of the majority, democracies behave no differently than their dictatorial counterparts. The results – robust to different measurements of majoritarian politics – hold important implications for our understanding of democracy and its ability to satisfy demands in divided societies.     

The quest for legitimacy in independent Kosovo: the unfulfilled promise of diversity and minority rights

When Kosovo declared its independence in 2008, it did so not as a nation-state, but as a “state of communities,” self-defining as multiethnic, diverse, and committed to extensive rights for minorities. In this paper, this choice is understood as a response to a dual legitimation problem. Kosovo experienced both an external legitimation challenge, regarding its contested statehood internationally, and an internal one, vis-à-vis its Serb minority. The focus on diversity and minority rights was expected to confer legitimacy on the state both externally and internally. International state-builders and the domestic political elite in post-conflict Kosovo both pursued this strategy. However, it inadvertently created an additional internal legitimation challenge, this time from within Kosovo’s majority Albanian population. This dynamic is illustrated by the opposition movement “Lëvizja Vetëvendosje” (Self-Determination Movement), which rejects the framing of Kosovo as first and foremost a multiethnic state. The movement’s counter-narrative represents an additional internal legitimation challenge to the new state. This paper thus finds that internationally endorsed “diversity management” through minority rights did not deliver as a panacea for the legitimacy dilemmas of the post-conflict polity. On the contrary, the “state of communities” continues to be contested by both majority and minority groups in Kosovo.