Transnational networks and kin states: the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, 1878–1940

This paper focuses on the development of national identity and the formation of political organizations in the Turkish minority in the early years of the formation of the Bulgarian state from 1878 to the 1940s. It studies transnational aspects of nationalism, which is usually considered territorially bounded, by studying the impact of connections between the Turkish minority and the Ottoman Empire and later with Turkey. In addition to studying inter-state relations and their reflection in the legal and political sphere, this paper studies the flow of ideas across borders, transnational networks among political activists, and the resulting cleavage formation. Findings show that transnational connections and actors played dual roles. The circulation of political activists, contributed to the formation of national organizations which played a crucial role in (re)formulating national identity. Transnational connections increased political activity in the name of the Turkish minority. Through these organizations the community was able to make collective demands from the Bulgarian state. However, transnational connections carried debates and divisions in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey to the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. By dividing the community, they decreased the capacity for collective action.     

The “Imperial Minority”: An Interpretative Framework of the Russians in Kazakhstan in the 1990s

This article is the fifth and final in a Nationalities Papers series providing an overview of the development of Romani political group representation and administration, from the arrival of Roma to Europe up to 1971, the landmark year of modern transnational Romani politics. The article concentrates on the period between the Second World War and 1970 and the emergence of the following phenomena which distinguish this period from those covered in the previous articles: some limited Romani participation in non-Romani mainstream political or administrative structures, an international Romani evangelical movement, reconciliation between Romani political representation and the Catholic Church, national institutions created by various governments to aid the administration of policies on Roma and rapid growth of non-governmental organizations addressing Romani issues.     

Is successful democracy promotion possible? The conceptual problem

There is a standard academic consensus that semi-presidentialism is perilous for new democracies. In particular, this is because semi-presidential countries run the risk of experiencing difficult periods of ‘cohabitation’ between a president and a prime minister who are opposed to each other, and because they may also experience periods of divided minority government that encourage the president to rule by decree and subvert the rule of law. This article examines the evidence to support these two arguments. It finds very few cases of cohabitation in young democracies and only one case where cohabitation has led directly to democratic collapse. By contrast, it finds more cases of divided minority government and more cases where divided minority government has been associated with democratic failure. However, the article also finds that young democracies have survived divided minority government. The conclusion is that, to date, there is insufficient evidence to support the long-standing and highly intuitive argument that cohabitation is dangerous for new democracies. There is more evidence to support the much newer argument about the dangers of divided minority government. Even so, more work is needed in this area before we can conclude that semi-presidentialism is inherently perilous.     

Who Deserves Help? Students' Opinions About the Deservingness of Different Groups Living in Germany to Receive Aid

A study was conducted examining German students' attitudes toward different groups of people living in Germany and the influence of those attitudes on the willingness to distribute aid to groups in need. A survey was distributed to over 2000 students at universities across Germany. It was predicted that groups judged more responsible for their need of aid and less likable would be considered less deserving of receiving aid than groups judged less responsible for their need of aid and more likable. An effect of the Belief in a Just World was also expected such that, students with a weak Belief in a Just World would judge targets as more deserving of aid than students with a strong Belief in a Just World. Results indicate effects of likability, responsibility for neediness, and the Belief in a Just World on ratings of deservingness.     

关于完善散居少数民族权益保障法律制度的思考

随着社会经济的发展,少数民族公民散居于各地的趋势日益明显。因此,保护散居少数民族权利的法律制度建设越来越重要,已经成为同民族区域自治法律制度同等重要的法律制度。文章从论述完善散居少数民族权益保障的重要意义入手,分析了我国现行的散居少数民族权益保障机制,指出了其所存在的不足和问题,并针对这些缺陷,从观念上、立法上提出了完善散居少数民族权益保障法律制度的意见和建议。     

西北少数民族地区地方政府民主化与公民参与

政府民主化是指政府通过各种方式吸收公民参与政策制定,因而也可以说是政府自身重建的过程,即从精英化管理走向精英化管理与大众化管理相结合的政治状态的过程。西北少数民族地区地方政府在民主化过程中在观念、具体操作办法上取得了很多经验,也存在不少问题。     

少数民族传统文化版权法保护意义探究

不同的实体法在调整社会关系中具有不同的功能或不同的调整方法,相互间具有不可替代性,因而我国在强调各少数民族的民间文学艺术作品享有文物保护法、民族民间文化保护法等基本法律法规保护的同时,不应忽略或排斥对其进行版权法的保护,应尽快加强对少数民族的民间文学艺术作品的版权保护的行政法规、地方性法规、民族自治地方的相关单行条例的制定工作,完善相关的版权法保护机制,以实现对少数民族民间文学艺术作品的全方位法律保护.