论贵州少数民族文化繁荣发展的“三要素”

贵州少数民族文化资源丰富、特色鲜明、多姿多彩,发展潜力巨大。根据贵州少数民族文化的特点,导入、诠释了民族文化元素、民族文化单元、民族文化体三个概念及其关系,并从这三个方面论述贵州少数民族文化加快发展的有利条件和不利因素,认为贵州多民族文化繁荣发展必须三者兼顾,三管齐下,共同推进。     

民族体育是民族文化传承的重要载体——以德江土家族传统炸龙活动为例

炸龙是贵州省德江地区的土家族的传统民俗活动,传统炸龙活动包括一套完整的宗教仪式,而炸龙仪式中的重要环节炸龙明显带有体育活动的竞技性和表演性功能。在历史发展过程中德江土家族社会中政治、经济、文化生活等多方面发生了巨大转变,炸龙活动的祭祀意义已经逐渐丧失。在当代,炸龙作为体育活动的功能日渐显现,民族体育成为了德江土家族传承民族文化的重要载体之一。借助于体育运动的外在表现形式,炸龙活动的开展不仅带来了广泛的文化交流,更促使了民族文化自身的创新和发展。     

建国前党的少数民族思想政治教育工作述论

思想政治教育对于实现党的民族政策、纲领方式发挥着不可或缺的重要作用。党在革命过程中积累了丰富的思想政治教育的经验,只有在吸收优秀成果的基础上,才能对我们当前少数民族思想政治工作的开展与实施产生重要的促进作用。从这个层面而言,回顾和总结党在各时期的少数民族思想政治教育过程对我们当前的工作有着重大的指导意义。     

新时代新疆少数民族大学生国家认同教育探析

随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代,新疆少数民族大学生国家认同教育更具有紧迫性和时代性。国家认同是国家统一和社会稳定的基础,而新疆是境内外敌对势力利用民族、宗教、文化对我国进行渗透和分裂的前沿,大学生是祖国的未来,也是敌对势力争取的对象。对新疆高校少数民族大学生国家认同教育进行研究和分析,提出新疆少数民族大学生国家认同教育的有效路径,推行国学教育,充分发挥课堂教学的主导作用;以校园文化为载体,积极开展国家认同教育;大力发展国家通用语言教育等,为新时代中华民族多元一体融合奠定更加坚实的基础。     

民族文化旅游产业可持续发展的综合评价体系及评价方法研究——基于文化经济协同发展的视角

民族文化旅游产业可持续发展的评价指标体系研究目前还是一个空白。基于文化经济协同与可持续发展的视角,构建了民族文化旅游产业可持续发展综合评价的经济指标体系和民族文化旅游产业可持续发展的文化指标体系,并将二者用数学方法进行协同分析以实现对民族文化旅游产业可持续发展的综合评价。     

Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia 1950-89 and the Ennationalizing Policies of Poland and Germany

The rise of nationalism in Central Europe in the nineteenth century had dire consequences for Silesia, the far-flung, multi-ethnic frontier region of Prussia/Germany, bordering on Austria-Hungary and Russia. The dividing up in 1921 of Upper Silesia between Germany and the newly established Polish nation-state, and the ensuing ennationalization of both regions, triggered off population movements of 300,000 persons before 1939, when Berlin seized the whole of Upper Silesia and embarked on a policy of thorough Germanization. After 1945 this was succeeded by Polonization as Moscow granted most of the German territories east of the Oder-Neisse line (including almost the whole of Silesia) to Poland. In consequence, almost the entire Lower Silesian population either fled, was evacuated in 1944-5 or expelled by 1948, and the region was repopulated by Poles. The same was true in Upper Silesia but to a more limited degree as Warsaw decided to retain most of the local population: as 'Poles', they would 'justify' incorporation of the region into Poland, and they would continue to run the Upper Silesian industries so badly needed for the country's reconstruction. Although officially recognized as Poles, Upper Silesians were treated as second-class citizens. Whereas, by 1960, almost all of the remaining Lower Silesian Germans had been allowed to leave, this option was not available to Upper Silesians who, as a result, became more alienated, more German-orientated and even more deeply identified with their specific ethnic groups. Consequently, although Warsaw could not recognize them as non-Poles as it would contradict the offical myth of the state's ethnic homogeneity, an increasing number were allowed to leave for West Germany, especially after Bonn's major concessions to the Polish Communist regime in 1970 which had the dual effect of making hard-to-come-by goods more available for 'real' Poles, and of replenishing the conservative electorate in West Germany. On the other hand, those who stayed successfully defied Poland's ennationalizing policies by the establishment of various German organizations. The emigration of 1950-89 was in fact an 'ethnic cleansing' as it was originally set off by discrimination on ethnic grounds; the growing disparity in living standards between West Germany and Poland was accompanied of a similar gap in the granting of civil and human rights.     

Does religion count for religious parliamentary representation? Evidence from Early Day Motions

The article addresses one facet of the representation puzzle, namely substantive minority representation in the UK House of Commons. It examines whether a religious Jewish and Muslim minority background stimulates politicians from these backgrounds to address issues of concern for Jewish and Muslim minority groups in Early Day Motions (EDMs), and compares the effects from identity-based and institutional predictors. The study draws upon previous studies that used low-cost parliamentary activities to assess the impact of gender and ethnic minority identities on the representation of women and ethnic minorities, employing quantitative content analysis and time-series cross-sectional data analysis to examine the content of EDMs sponsored by members of parliament from Jewish and Muslim background (plus a control group) between 1997 and 2012. The analyses test for the effects of religious background and institutional predictors on the likelihood of referring to minority issues. They show that identity-based predictors such as a religious background are vastly inferior to institutional factors, including a legislative role, representing a constituency with a significant proportion of minority population, and the length of parliamentary service, in determining such references.     

论“弱势消费者”知情权的实现方式

相对于生产者、经营者而言,消费者明显处于市场交易中的弱者地位,法律应对消费者给予特殊保护。但消费者又可分为一般消费者与“弱势消费者”,我国《消费者权益保护法》对消费者知情权的实现方式缺乏明确系统的规定,使得在现实生活中许多消费者不知道如何去正确地依法实现自己的知情权。因此对消费者知情权实现方式尤其是“弱势消费者”知情权实现方式的研究就成为一个很重要的问题。