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421.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):245-279
ABSTRACT

Stoetzler explores a series of newspaper and journal articles published in Germany in 1879–81 that are part of what later came to be called the ‘Berlin Antisemitism Dispute’. In these articles, anti-Jewish remarks by the historian and right-wing liberal politician Heinrich von Treitschke were responded to by leading political and academic figures, including Theodor Mommsen, Moritz Lazarus and Ludwig Bamberger. Treitschke's texts have been seen as crucial to the development of modern antisemitism in Germany, but the debate that they provoked also points to some of the conceptual weaknesses of the liberal critique of antisemitism. Stoetzler suggests that both Treitschke's support for antisemitism and the ambivalence evident in the views of his opponents are rooted in the contradiction between inclusionary and exclusionary tendencies inherent in the nation-state. To the extent that liberal society constitutes itself in the form of a national state, it cannot but strive to guarantee, or produce, some degree of homogeneity or conformity in the form of a national culture that, in turn, cannot be separated from issues of morality and religion. Stoetzler argues that a discussion of the Berlin Antisemitism Dispute in its specific context of German nineteenth-century liberalism, if interpreted in the more general framework of modern liberal society, can contribute to current debates on nationalism, patriotism, ethnic minorities, immigration and ‘multicultural society’.  相似文献   
422.
国家主义是上个世纪曾经在中国的思想界有着很大影响的一种理论和社会思潮。它是20世纪中国民族主义思潮中的一个流派,此流派试图用“国家主义”的口号唤起民心、整合社会,它反对阶级斗争和劳资冲突,从某种意义上不妨视之为“第三条道路”的探讨。  相似文献   
423.
恐怖主义与民族分离主义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文主要论述了在现代民族主义浪潮下 ,民族分离主义产生的原因及影响 ,分析了民族分离主义与恐怖主义的关系 ;着力分析了“战后”民族主义发展的新特点 ,以及在复杂的民族矛盾和民族问题背景下 ,民族分离主义不仅成为恐怖主义活动的根源 ,而且成为恐怖主义的一个重要特征 ;同时也分析了当前我国所面临的严峻的民族分离主义和恐怖主义威胁 ,以及我国反对分离主义和恐怖主义的实践。  相似文献   
424.
本文对江户时代日本史学著作的文本进行解读,分析存在于日本史学中的早期民族主义,将其归为华夷观变化滋生民族主体意识、神国思想、尊皇意识三种形态,力图证明日本的早期民族主义源自其思想内部,而非外来殖民危机。  相似文献   
425.
The fledgling democracy of Russia is facing many challenges. Perhaps the most dangerous of all is the rise of an aggressive chauvinistic nationalism. Initially, political analysts regarded it as a “recent” phenomenon which was filling in the ideological vacuum left by communism. As time went on, however, scholars began to grasp its deep historical roots and investigate its ideological evolution during the Soviet period. In this process, they tended to focus on the “legitimate” domains of the Soviet system – such as the official press, the literary field of socialist realism, and so on – in order to investigate how “the Russian idea” overtly coexisted or even covertly prospered within the boundaries of officially sanctioned ideology. The main goal of this paper is to bring a new dimension to our understanding of contemporary Russian nationalism, by approaching the whole phenomenon from below. While focusing on the Soviet period, this paper traces the ideological evolution of Slavophiles and their selective degeneration into chauvinism at the social level. In particular, it analyzes the underground ideological field of samizdat – uncensored illicit publications – where Slavophiles played a significant role. In this way, we can hear the “unfiltered” voices of rising Russian nationalists during the Soviet era.  相似文献   
426.
One of the less visible consequences of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement of 1998 was that it finally put to rest a fifty year dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom about the names of the respective states. This article begins by outlining the constitutional background to this complex terminological dispute, and then examines it from three perspectives. The first is that of the Irish state itself, which in recent decades has opted unambiguously for 'Ireland'. The second is the British government, which until the end of the twentieth century preferred the labels 'Eire' or 'Irish Republic'. The third is the militant nationalist republican movement, whose terminology was designed to deny the legitimacy of the existing state. The article concludes by examining the political significance of this issue, arguing that while its most obvious importance is symbolic, it has also had real meaning for the identity and for the geographical definition of the state, as well as for the British-Irish relationship.  相似文献   
427.
在充分肯定中国古代爱国主义的优良传统的同时,也必须看到古代爱国主义理念的历史局限性;在中国的现代化进程中,培育和形成现代公民的爱国主义精神与观念是至关重要的;二十世纪国际共产主义运动的发展与变化证明,现代爱国主义与社会主义之间不仅是不矛盾的,而且是水乳交融的,我们在建设中国特色社会主义伟大实践中,爱国主义精神无疑将构成我们未来发展的核心价值体系中最重要的组成部分之一。  相似文献   
428.
民法法系侧重立法的研究,普通法系侧重司法的研究.它们共同存在的主要问题是:采用分阶段研究策略,缺乏对法律运行整体的研究;重视对法律运行反常现象的研究,缺乏对法律运行正常现象的研究.其实质是国家主义法律运行观使然,影响了人们对法律运行科学而全面的认识,造成了法律运行的严重不畅.为此,必须转换法律运行研究的观念、路径、重心和视角.法律运行是指法律运行主体人在法律运行过程中所体现出来的一种法律行为或法律活动.  相似文献   
429.
赵运锋 《北方法学》2017,11(1):86-98
法益是刑法理论中的基本概念,在不同的社会阶段,法益保护观会在国家主义与自由主义之间摇摆。随着刑法教义学理论研究的深化,理论界对法益在犯罪构成中的作用认识日趋合理,不过,法益在立法批判与规范诠释中的作用还没有被论述透彻。借助法益的政策分析功能,可以对罪与非罪、此罪与彼罪、犯罪停止形态进行科学、合理的界定,并对以刑制罪司法逻辑的运行具有积极意义。  相似文献   
430.
Symbols—as important and very persuasive elements of contemporary national and political mythologies and their iconography—are particulary exposed during critical periods of certain nations' history. Although the role and influences of religious organizations and hierarchies before and during the last wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina were quite different, all belligerent sides also employed religious symbols in their nationalistic/political mobilizations and military efforts. The ambition of this paper is to show the spectrum of (mis)uses of religious symbolism in these wars: Orthodox on Serbian side, Roman Catholic on Croatian, and Muslim on Bosniak' side. Comparative and sociohistorical analytical approaches can to some degree elucidate how traditional religious symbols were renewed and the new traditionalized during that time; how they were nationalized and politicized which elements of the religious heritage were most often applied; and how these symbols were exploited in military actions and politics of ethnic/religious cleansing.  相似文献   
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