The Baltic Question in West German Politics, 1949–90

While previous research by international lawyers has emphasized Bonn's value-neutral legalistic approach to the Baltic question from 1949 to 1990, this article–based on documents from the German Foreign Ministry archives–shows that the West Germans saw the Baltic issue as a political problem that interfered with their highest national aim: German unification. It addresses the following questions: first, why Bonn never made an official announcement of, and never publicly gave a justification for, its stance on the Baltic question; and second, why Bonn granted Baltic refugees the same rights that it offered other Heimat-less foreigners, whereas the remnants of Baltic diplomatic services or self-proclaimed exile governments found no official recognition in Germany. Finally, it comments on the role of the so-called German Balts in West German politics, and in Bonn's Baltic policies specifically.     

经济法的中国性问题分析

研究经济法的中国性问题旨在将经济法的本土性、回应性落实于实际。转型中国经济社会的变革和发展显然具有不同于西方国家的本土性,由此,需要经济法学研究秉持"嵌入"型思维来分析转型期经济法具体应回应的中国性问题,并在制度层面上作出应对。经济法解决中国性问题的进路,就是从法学思维出发,推动市场化转型与宪政转型的互动,着眼于社会分化下的强弱势群体间的利益、权利失衡,并构建以经济民主为中心的社会整体利益实现机制。     

Is Unilateralism Always Bad? Negotiation Lessons from Israel's “Unilateral” Gaza Withdrawal

Using the 2005 unilateral Israeli withdrawal from Gaza as a case study, this article exposes an apparent paradox: circumstances may exist in which an outcome that serves the interests of parties to a conflict cannot be achieved through bilateral negotiation but can be achieved by unilateral action. Although the withdrawal was seen at the time as serving the interests of both the Israeli government and the Palestinians, we argue that the same result could not have been achieved through bilateral negotiations. “Behind‐the‐table” internal conflicts on each side would have made it impossible for the leaders to agree on the scope of these negotiations. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's success in implementing his Gaza withdrawal was attributable in significant measure to his ability to maintain ambiguity about his long‐run plans for the West Bank. Only by focusing attention on Gaza was he able to build the necessary coalition to implement the controversial move. The Palestinian leaders, on the other hand, could never have agreed to come to the table to negotiate about Gaza alone — they would have insisted that the scope of any negotiations address a broad range of final status issues. In this article, we identify some of the lessons that the Gaza example teaches regarding the utility and limits of unilateralism as well as the benefits and potential costs of employing ambiguity as a strategy to help accomplish a controversial move. Finally, we also explore the aftermath of the withdrawal and its many missed opportunities for improving the outcome. We suggest that, even when acting unilaterally, leaders should carefully consider the probable impact of their actions on the internal conflicts of their adversaries.     

国家权威传媒视阈中的福州海西形象——对人民日报社两报报道的内容分析

大众传媒是传播和塑造区域形象的重要因素。国家权威传媒对区域形象的传播与塑造起关键性作用。人民日报社的两报在加强福州海西形象在海外塑造的同时,却弱化了福州海西形象在国内的传播。福州需要加强对国内受众的海西形象特别是宜居宜业优势形象的宣传。     

论"入世"后的西部教育

中国教育随着中国经济的发展 ,开始融入世界经济的大潮中。世界教育的发展趋势 ,将是我国教育接轨的方向。西部经济、教育发展相对滞后 ,但面对国内外的市场竞争将无法回避 ,优胜劣汰是所有市场经济的法则。西部经济的发展 ,必须有大量人力资源的支持 ,西部教育的发展 ,必须以培养人才和留住更多的人才为目的。“入世”之后 ,需要遵循我国对WTO的所有承诺 ,西部 12个省市的教育作为中国教育的一部分 ,也必然融入世界教育之中     

论西部大开发中贫困地区的财源建设--以云南为例

在西部大开发中 ,云南省贫困地区存在着经济发展严重落后、财源结构单一 ,财政自给能力低下 ,财政赤字庞大等问题。解决这些问题需要转变观念 ,深化体制改革 ,调整贫困地区农业和农村经济结构 ,精简吃“财政饭”人数 ;在税收方面应完善分税制 ,加大财政转移支付力度 ,以利于贫困地区产业和财源的发展 ,利于贫困地区农民收入的提高。