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171.
172.
胡峰 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2003,3(1):24-28
自2000年以来,第五次并购浪潮的并购热点行业发生了转移,金融行业逐步成为全球并购市场的热点行业。国际间银行大规模并购的原因是多方面的。随着我国政策的改变,参股、控股中资银行已成为外资银行占领中国市场的重要手段。而以外资并购带动国内金融业改革发展,是亚洲金融危机后周边国家经济复苏的痛苦历程得来的宝贵经验。国际银行间的并购(包括对我国银行的并购)对我国商业银行的影响是十分大的,我国银行业需要采取措施以迎接这种挑战。 相似文献
173.
我国"反黑"法律对策刍议 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
潘嘉 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2003,15(3):26-30
近年来,随着我国有组织犯罪的迅猛激增,我国现有的刑事法律体系在打击有组织方面尽显疲态,应加强以下几个方面工作增设黑社会组织罪的条款;规定金融机构的反黑义务,对黑社会犯罪规定没收财产刑;增设与有组织犯罪相牵连的犯罪行为的加重刑条款;从刑法上鼓励单纯参加犯罪组织者自动退出;提高有组织犯罪法定刑量刑幅度;通过法律推定,确立举证责任倒置;采用特别证据规则;建立污点证人、卧底证人和证人保护制度;改革相关法律,堵塞漏洞等. 相似文献
174.
Thomas Hoerber 《European Security》2013,22(1):65-79
Abstract British politicians often argued that Britain maintained its navy only in order to secure its own survival by keeping sea communications open, while Germany in no real need of a powerful navy, threatened this legitimate British policy-goal by pursuing expansionist politics. German leaders, emboldened and a little dazzled by the tremendous industrial and economic success of the newly unified Reich, held that Britain was maintaining its economic dominance in the Empire by military means and thus blocking the progress Germany hoped to make in its aspiration to parity status and economic prosperity, with all that that entailed. This paper will explore the underlying rationale of the arms race between Britain and Germany shining through in those different positions on legitimate (military) policy aims. It will go beyond the visible symbols, as it were, of the Dreadnought and the Two-Power standard. These very concrete matters will also be dealt with here but, more importantly, this essay is meant to give some answer as to whether an archetypal differentiation between survival on the one hand and domination on the other can be made out as the predominant logic that led the two countries to embark on the road to the Great War. 相似文献
175.
当今世界有诸多的世界论──单极、三极、五极,无论前述任何一种,都没有完全代表世界绝大多数国家和人民的利益。在维护国家主权、尊重各国权利基础上,应建立多极化世界的国际政治经济新秩序。建立多极化世界的国际政治经济新秩序最重要的有两项原则、三大政策和三项措施。两项原则是:尊重各国主权的原则;不干涉别国内政的原则。三大政策是:奉行独立自主的和平外交政策;奉行国际法准则;奉行民族自决原则。三项措施为:联合世界各种力量,反对霸权主义和强权政治;摒弃旧的国际政治经济秩序,确立平等、公正、合理的国际政治经济新秩序;依靠联合国的力量,推动世界格局向多极化转换。 相似文献
176.
Emmanuelle Poncin 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(5):966-980
To make sense of the gap between the theory and practice of community-driven development (CDD), development scholars and practitioners have proposed that the success of interventions is relative to the reform-mindedness of local government officials. This article sheds some light on the good governance performances of local government officials as part of the CDD programme Kalahi in the province of Bohol, Philippines. It highlights that locally, mayors who styled themselves as reformists enjoyed heightened power and electoral victories. In parallel, the province experienced a pattern of ‘growth with immiserisation’ and persistent political clientelism wrapped in a discourse of pro-poor development. 相似文献
177.
Eliezer Tauber 《中东研究》2019,55(1):33-43
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of modern Turkey, was one of the early leaders of the Young Turk movement. Nevertheless, when he founded modern Turkey as a nation-state he pushed the veterans of the Young Turks aside, as their pan-Turanian ideology no longer suited the basics of the new state. The leaders of the Young Turks represented the past and their perceptions no longer corresponded with the change of circumstances and the new objects of the nascent state. While Armenian activists assassinated some of the top leaders of the Young Turks as a revenge for the Armenian genocide, second-rank leaders had now to find their way in modern Turkey. Aziz Bey was one of the seniors of the Ottoman security system during the Young Turks period and eventually reached the most senior position of director of the Ottoman General Security Service. When modern Turkey emerged, because of his remarkable talents, he managed to fit in middle-level positions in the new state (province governor, mayor and MP), but never regained elite status. 相似文献
178.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is currently undergoing fundamental reform that is intended to impact its programmes and priority setting and its financial and governing structures. Within the reform debates, new relations of powers are emerging among traditional donors and emerging economies such as the ‘BRICS’: Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. These five emerging economies have formally committed ‘to strengthen and legitimise the WHO as the coordinating authority in global health’ through the principle of multilateralism. In this paper, the results of a qualitative study – based on 21 key informant interviews – that seeks to better understand BRICS’ engagement in this organisation and the extent to which their action enables these countries to influence the reform process were presented. The results show that individual BRICS countries found natural pairings with each other on both particular elements of the reform, notably governance and WHO financing, and specific health issues. While numerous examples of individual BRICS countries seeking to raise the profile of specific health issues were found, some evidence of a coordinated effort to influence reform as a bloc was also found. Although this was largely limited to rhetorical announcements of support in formal Declarations and Communiqués, it nevertheless articulates a vision of the WHO as an organisation with a broad mandate delivered with sufficient, predictable funding. 相似文献
179.
A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):611-619
The World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development argues that the solution to rural poverty in South Asia is through commercial smallholder farming, rural waged labour in farm and non-farm activities, or outmigration. Critically evaluating the Report from a South Asian perspective on the basis of agrarian structure, market-led agrarian transformation, the power of monopoly capital, and the option of off-farm livelihoods, it is argued that the Report has a deeply flawed understanding of the process of capitalist development in rural South Asia. Its path-dependent vision of the future of agriculture is rooted in modernisation theory, and predicated on the continued subordination of the majority of those who live in the South Asian countryside. 相似文献
180.
Thembela Kepe 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):637-643
The World Bank Development Report 2008 sees agriculture as a crucial instrument for sustainable development and poverty reduction. It emphasises the need for a sharp productivity increase in smallholder farming, as well as more effective support to millions of subsistence farmers. However, while admitting that there are challenges in making this goal a reality, the report fails to fully acknowledge the legacy of colonialism and apartheid on land and agrarian relations in South Africa. Contrary to the World Bank's optimism about smallholder and subsistence agriculture, this legacy of inequality and land dispossession discourages farming by Blacks in countries like South Africa. 相似文献