环境规划法律制度在生态城市建设中的作用

城市是一个自然-社会-经济复合生态系统。城市资源和环境容量是有限的,城市的发展必然受到资源与环境条件的制约。为实现可持续发展,对城市中的任何活动都必须考虑资源和环境的生态承载力,不破坏其稳定机制。要发挥环境规划法律制度在生态城市建设中的重要作用,促进城市经济、社会与环境的全面、协调、可持续发展。     

略论建设生态型城市

城市是人类生产、生活和文明成果的集中体现场所,是人类社会文明和发达的象征,它是一个综合体,不仅人口集中,而且也是区域政治、经济、文教、科技的中心,在国民经济中占有十分重要的地位,建设可持续发展的现代化生态型城市是人类追求的一个目标。     

加快城市管理人才的培养

城市发展是现代社会一切发展的中心和摇篮 ,城市发展的决定因素是城市管理人才。目前中国此方面的人才十分匮乏 ,加快城市管理人才的培养已成为当务之急。新形势下的城市管理教育必须有精心设计的新的体制安排 ,必须关注综合性、实用性、创新性三个方面     

从经济全球化和知识经济看创建学习型城市的意义

在经济全球化和知识经济的浪潮中,每一个城市都是一个国际性城市,都面临着全球化的竞争。大连市要实现可持续发展,就必须创建学习型城市,全面提升市民的知识和能力,增强学习的自觉性和紧迫感。     

The global threat of race in the decomposition of struggle

ABSTRACT

Many of the struggles that emerged in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis eventually experienced decomposition in the face of multiple internal and external threats. While movement composition and decomposition are inevitable in the natural cycle of popular struggles, this article argues that what David Theo Goldberg has termed “the threat of race” constituted one important factor that brought about the eventual demise of these popular mobilizations. By drawing on the cases of US Occupy Wall Street, European anti-austerity protests, and South African struggles against xenophobia, it points to global continuity in anti-blackness across disparate geographies. As these same regions currently confront the threat of righting authoritarianism, this article argues we must also take a self-reflexive look at the seeds of reaction embedded in otherwise progressive and left-wing formations in order to achieve a more sobering account of our present predicament.     

超越“劳动二分法”：平台用工法律调整的基本立场

平台用工是一个宽泛的概念,具有劳动法讨论意义的是组织型平台,包括基于劳动合同的模式和非基于劳动合同的模式,后者是法律关系定性争论的对象。此种非基于劳动合同的平台用工模式不同于常规劳动关系,在劳动过程中同时存在一定程度的平台控制与劳务提供者自主,不符合现有从属性标准,不成立劳动关系,在现行法中属于民事非典型合同中的混合合同。此种平台用工在当前"从属性劳动—独立性劳动"构成的"劳动二分法"框架下不能实现有效调整,给予劳务提供者的权益保障不足。问题的成因在于劳务提供者的学理定位是"类雇员",此种平台用工的本质是承揽合同社会化,属于"劳动二分法"下的制度空白地带。因此,应根据此种平台用工中劳务提供者的社会保护必要性,构建介于民法与劳动法之间的"类雇员"规范体系,推动法律对社会劳务给付的调整框架从"劳动二分法"向"劳动三分法"转型。     

Global reporting from the Third World: the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association, 1963–1974

ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.     

Rejoinder to comments by Frederick Kaijage,Oswald Masebo,and Innocent Pikirayi on the keynote speech, ‘writing history: flow and blockage in the circulation of knowledge’

ABSTRACT

Rejoinder to comments by Frederick Kaijage, Oswald Masebo, and Innocent Pikirayi on the keynote speech, ‘Writing History: Flow and Blockage in the Circulation of Knowledge’     

浅谈城市道路交通的有效管理

保障道路交通畅通,减少交通事故,确保交通安全,是道路交通管理所要研究的重要内容,若要达到更有效地管理,就必须在提高交通管理科技含量的同时,从深化交通安全宣传、注重道路交通设施建设、提高交警的整体素质入手,在交通管理中达到事半功倍的效果。