全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 478篇 |
| 免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 23篇 |
| 工人农民 | 4篇 |
| 世界政治 | 48篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 33篇 |
| 法律 | 107篇 |
| 中国共产党 | 7篇 |
| 中国政治 | 31篇 |
| 政治理论 | 179篇 |
| 综合类 | 65篇 |
出版年
| 2024年 | 10篇 |
| 2023年 | 11篇 |
| 2022年 | 4篇 |
| 2021年 | 10篇 |
| 2020年 | 32篇 |
| 2019年 | 34篇 |
| 2018年 | 25篇 |
| 2017年 | 18篇 |
| 2016年 | 25篇 |
| 2015年 | 18篇 |
| 2014年 | 19篇 |
| 2013年 | 75篇 |
| 2012年 | 30篇 |
| 2011年 | 37篇 |
| 2010年 | 34篇 |
| 2009年 | 39篇 |
| 2008年 | 28篇 |
| 2007年 | 14篇 |
| 2006年 | 9篇 |
| 2005年 | 9篇 |
| 2004年 | 5篇 |
| 2003年 | 2篇 |
| 2002年 | 2篇 |
| 2001年 | 2篇 |
| 2000年 | 3篇 |
| 1993年 | 1篇 |
| 1987年 | 1篇 |
排序方式： 共有497条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
271.
Robert Person 《后苏联事务》2013,29(5):420-447
What are the risks and rewards of power centralization in competitive authoritarian regimes, and who in the regime bears those risks and enjoys the rewards? The elimination of gubernatorial elections in Russia in late 2004 provides a unique opportunity to study public reaction to policies that replaced democratically elected regional leaders with Kremlin appointees, thereby further concentrating power in the hands of the central state while simultaneously reducing the level of democratic accountability in Russian politics. Using a 2007 survey of 1500 Russians, it is possible to observe how key measures of public opinion and regime support were influenced by the elimination of gubernatorial elections. Because the timeline of gubernatorial appointments was determined exogenously based on the expiration of elected incumbent governors' terms, by 2007 some regions had governors who still held electoral mandates, while others had Kremlin appointees with no electoral mandate. This quasi experiment allows us to draw surprising conclusions about whom Russians blame – and do not blame – when power becomes increasingly centralized in the hands of the president. 相似文献
272.
陈党 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,1(1):5-10
服务型政府需要通过重塑政府与公民的关系、调整政府职能结构、创新政府管理方式、再造政府绩效评价机制、构建行政问责制度、确立行政理念等基本路径,实现6个根本性的转变：从“政府本位”“权力本位”到“公民本位”“权利本位”;从“社会管理为主”到“公共服务为主”;从“基于强制”到“基于同意”;从“内部评估”到“公众满意”;从“问责运动化”到“问责法治化”;从“为民做主”到“为民服务”。 相似文献
273.
John Tomaney 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(4):546-552
This article challenges the narrowly founded but untroubled consensus about the alleged benefits of the Conservative government's devolution programme. It suggests that too much attention has been paid to purported benefits and too little regard to the potential risks, and draws attention to international evidence that suggests that the distribution of the benefits of devolution is crucially dependent on its design. It critically examines the case for the currently offered model of devolution and finds the underpinning economic model and limited forms of democratic accountability are likely to produce regressive social outcomes and the reinforcement of existing local elites. It calls for a wider public debate and fuller democratic scrutiny of the model of devolution on offer. 相似文献
274.
Argyro P. Karanasiou Dimitris A. Pinotsis 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2017,31(2):170-187
ABSTRACTThe paper dissects the intricacies of automated decision making (ADM) and urges for refining the current legal definition of artificial intelligence (AI) when pinpointing the role of algorithms in the advent of ubiquitous computing, data analytics and deep learning. Whilst coming up with a toolkit to measure algorithmic determination in automated/semi-automated tasks might be proven to be a tedious task for the legislator, our main aim here is to explain how a thorough understanding of the layers of ADM could be a first good step towards this direction: AI operates on a formula based on several degrees of automation employed in the interaction between the programmer, the user, and the algorithm. The paper offers a fresh look at AI, which exposes certain vulnerabilities in its current legal interpretation. To highlight this argument, analysis proceeds in two parts: Part 1 strives to provide a taxonomy of the various levels of automation that reflects distinct degrees of human–machine interaction. Part 2 further discusses the intricate nature of AI algorithms and considers how one can utilize observed patterns in acquired data. Finally, the paper explores the legal challenges that result from user empowerment and the requirement for data transparency. 相似文献
275.
Zachary Spicer 《Local Government Studies》2017,43(3):388-407
Municipal governments are increasingly showing interest in inter-municipal cooperation. Often overlooked in the discussion of such collaborative relationships are concerns related to accountability and transparency. In this article, we introduce a framework to measure accountability and transparency in inter-local relationships and test it with a brief case study of inter-municipal cooperative agreements collected from the Greater Toronto Area. Overall, the agreements collected score very low on our accountability scale, mainly because of low levels of public access and poor internal accountability. We conclude the study by examining the challenges of having multiple lines of accountability in local service collaboration. 相似文献
276.
TIM HEINKELMANN-WILD BERNHARD ZANGL BERTHOLD RITTBERGER LISA KRIEGMAIR 《European Journal of Political Research》2023,62(1):221-238
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of the effects of different delegation designs. To address this gap in the literature, we study public blame attributions in the media coverage of two contested EU policies during the financial crisis and the migration crisis. We show that the blame avoidance effect of delegation depends on the delegation design: When agents are independent (dependent) of government control, we observe lower (higher) shares of public blame attributions targeting the government (blame shifting effect), and when agents are external (internal) to the government apparatus, overall public blame attributions for a contested policy will be less (more) frequent (blame obfuscation effect). Our findings yield important normative implications for how to maintain governments’ accountability once they have delegated governance tasks to third parties. 相似文献
277.
Sebastian Rosenberg Kenny Lawson Ian Hickie 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2023,82(2):290-301
In response to the recent Productivity Commission report into mental health, the previous Federal Government announced its intention to produce a new national agreement that lays the platform for Australia's sixth national mental health plan. It has been recommended mental health move to a more regional model of governance and planning, away from a centralised, top-down approach, partly in response to broader reforms affecting health care, and partly in direct response to consistent inquiry evidence that the mental health system remains in crisis. The past 30 years of mental health planning have been centralised. Successive national plans set a broad framework, with real decisions about mental health funding and service allocation made in the health departments of our capital cities. Will the next plan sponsor or inhibit regionality in mental health planning? This paper assesses Australia's historical approach to health planning particularly as it affected mental health and the costs arising. In learning these lessons, we propose the necessary ingredients to facilitate a regional, innovative, and effective approach to decentralised planning, for better mental health outcomes. We cannot afford to replicate the failed planning approaches of the past. 相似文献
278.
Ten years since the adoption of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, we have witnessed an increasing trend in Europe toward the adoption of mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence. Focusing on due diligence legislation from France, Germany, Norway, and the EU, this article examines the extent to which these laws are laying the foundations for the articulation of an integrated, comprehensive, and robust framework that effectively fosters corporate accountability through preventing, addressing, and remedying corporate-related human rights and environmental harms. In this examination, we draw on international human rights and environmental standards and Third World Approaches to International Law, to identify the lessons learned from current approaches and that ought to be considered in future frameworks. 相似文献
279.
This article revisits Majone's famous argument about accountability in the regulatory state in reference to the European Union's (EU) Economic and Monetary Union. We show that the EU has entered the stage of a “para-regulatory state” marked by increasing EU regulation in areas linked to core state powers. Despite the redistributive and politicized nature of these policy areas, the EU's “para-regulatory state” has continued to rely on its regulatory model of accountability, focused on decisionmaking processes, and interest mediation. In line with Majone, we describe the model as procedural and contrast it to substantive accountability – which is necessary when regulation has clear redistributive implications. Using two case studies from fiscal policy and monetary affairs, we illustrate the predominance of procedural accountability as exercised by the European Parliament and EU Courts. We complement the empirical analysis with a normative discussion of how substantive accountability could potentially be rendered in both fields. 相似文献
280.