全文获取类型
收费全文 | 377篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 35篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 41篇 |
法律 | 76篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 28篇 |
政治理论 | 67篇 |
综合类 | 73篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 15篇 |
2019年 | 24篇 |
2018年 | 29篇 |
2017年 | 17篇 |
2016年 | 26篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 15篇 |
2013年 | 55篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 14篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 9篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有386条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
161.
Artan Karini 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(7):469-481
The national politico-administrative context plays a significant role in the transfer of policy from international (aid) organizations to recipient countries. In this regard, this article attempts to identify and explain some of the intervening variables facilitating the relationship between two actors in the policy transfer process, donors and bureaucrats through the case of administrative reform and capacity development in post-communist Albania, focusing on recent years. Broadly and flexibly drawing on some of the theoretical underpinnings of Dolowitz and Marsh (1996)policy transfer conceptual framework as well as the Europeanization theory, the article seeks to provide a greater understanding of the respective roles of those actors and the dynamics of their interaction. Thus, through an analysis of the national political and bureaucratic context, reasons for non-transfer, i.e., perceived failure of administrative reform, are presented in light of the politics of EU accession and conditionality mechanisms used to incentivize the process. 相似文献
162.
Carine Kiala 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):313-331
Until recently the international donor community has predominantly consisted of members of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). However, China does not entirely conform to the OECD on matters related to aid; it is also not a member of the DAC. Hence, the data on China's aid, as well as its focus, purpose, terms and conditions are controversial because they are not clear. Furthermore, on the receiving end, Angola is equally reticent to discuss its management of state funds. The uncertainties and the opaque nature of diplomatic relations are compounded by a perceived overlap and ambiguity between aid and investment. The objective of the study is to examine China–Angola aid relations and provide critical judgement of it characterising strategic cooperation for the development of Angola. 相似文献
163.
Susan Engel 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1374-1389
The ‘Great Foreign Aid Debate’ raged in the 2000s yet there are few overviews of it. This paper builds on heuristic classifications of the debate not to simply classify it, but rather to explore how it is perhaps not as ‘great’ as claimed and, in fact, is contributing to a narrowing of thinking about development possibilities. The paper explores the debate through the books released in the 10 years from 2001 that made both an academic and a media impact. It analyses what gets discussed and why and, equally importantly, what does not get discussed. In terms of what is missing, the paper posits that ‘left’ has disappeared and the progressive critique and support for aid has been left to scholars like Jeffrey Sachs and Jonathan Glennie. 相似文献
164.
《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2013,11(4):49-57
Abstract Gaytán-Fregoso and Lahiri (2000) claim that foreign aid may increase the level of illegal immigration. This comment reconsiders their perverse findings under endogenous as well as exogenous income repatriation. Furthermore, modifying Gaytán-Fregoso and Lahiri's model, in which aid is allotted in a lump-sum fashion, it is suggested that the actual amount of foreign aid should depend on the source country's performance, i.e., on the number of illegal immigrants, since such a policy will further reduce the number of illegal immigrants. 相似文献
165.
Consultants are an integral component of development aid. Their involvement is based on an assumption of the transferability of knowledge to clients and beneficiaries. However, this role, its efficacy and the concept of knowledge transfer have all been questioned. Although research has shown interest in northern development consultants in recent years, detailed processes and practices of southern consultants' engagement with knowledge production are less analysed. Drawing on debates about knowledge, power and managing development interventions and on extensive fieldwork exploring a Bolivian consultancy company's assignments for northern development agencies, we analyse the ‘knowledge engagements’ between clients, consultants and beneficiaries. The results suggest a novel theorisation: knowledge engagements are shaped by power relations exercised through discourses and financial aid on one hand and shared and unshared lifeworlds and backgrounds of actors on the other. They are also characterised by collusive behaviour with the discourses and practices of aid on the part of consultants and beneficiaries, which in turn influences outcomes. Southern consultants, although aware of these issues, are in a difficult position to challenge these relationships. A greater recognition of the tensions could lead to a new role for consultants if collective action were to renegotiate their terms of engagement and aim for a new mutuality. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
166.
North–South research capacity building (RCB) partnerships have attracted considerable academic attention during the last two decades, especially with regard to issues related to partnership governance. Less attention has been given to the management aspects of partnership implementation, but in order for partnerships to comply with general governance‐level recommendations, a better understanding is needed of how specific context‐dependent factors influence the development and execution of projects. In this article, we aim to contribute to the understanding of factors influencing the design phase of RCB partnerships and examine how they influence the balance between performing collaborative research and developing general organizational capacity. Data collection was based on a survey (n = 25), and individual interviews and focus group discussions with 17 Danish project managers from the Danish Bilateral Programme for Enhancement of Research Capacity in Developing Countries. Our results lead to rejection of the proposition that RCB projects are either focused on building capacity for research or conducting merit‐based research. Because of the ‘politics’ of the front‐end process, reality is more complex. We identify 11 specific factors influencing front‐end project management related to structure, process and relationship, and we theorize about how these factors influence the choice between research and more general capacity development activities. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
167.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(4):307-325
ABSTRACTSince 2015, the European Union and its members have been responding to the increased arrivals of migrants and refugees at Europe’s southern shores. The states and societies of East and Central Europe are rarely discussed in this context. Even though their governments support the overall EU policy objectives in the area of freedom, security and justice, they vocally refused to participate in EU ‘burden sharing’. In this way these countries earned the label of uniquely xenophobic. This article seeks to complicate this perception by highlighting how civil society in Poland responded to the right-wing Polish government’s anti-refugee stance. Through the lens of Aronoff and Kubik’s concept of Legal Transparent Civil Society (LTCS) the author examine the evolving relationship between the ruling Law and Justice party and civil society organizations, proposing that activities for the benefit of refugees offer an insight into the transformation of civil society in the emerging illiberal political system. 相似文献
168.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):27-45
This essay discusses several issues involving the theory of post-conflict reconstruction, and suggests that the concepts of reconstruction and of economic development be carefully kept apart. It explores the question of what moral and legal obligations to reconstruction the occupiers incur. Using Iraq as a case study it presents two scenarios for reconstruction: a ‘triage’ approach which relies heavily on prioritization and recognition of inherent limitations, and a ‘scattergun’ approach, exemplified by current efforts in Iraq. The latter, the essay concludes, is ineffective as a tool for reconstruction. Reconstruction has its own intrinsic merits, but using it to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of a population in order to gain support for the occupiers is unlikely to succeed. 相似文献
169.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(2):171-188
Abstract This paper examines the potential importance of externally-facilitated peace dividends and donor coordination in sustaining peace after the signing of an accord. We extend our previous research on US performance after civil wars to learn if adversary assumptions on peace dividends have additional positive impact when a wider sample of major Western European donors is included. Was the lack of US follow-through compensated for in whole or in part by the extension of development assistance allocations from European allies? We find that cases in which donors provide significant and sustained post-conflict aid are somewhat less likely to return to civil war than those who do not receive comparable assistance. Moreover, we find in such cases that donor coordination reinforced behaviour that encouraged the implementation process, providing an extra incentive for maintaining the peace agreement over the five-year threshold and beyond. 相似文献
170.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(3):345-363
Abstract Economic aid has been a critical component of the peace process in Northern Ireland allowing for community-based interventions, employment, social inclusion and regional stability. With the second round of funding coming to a close this essay explores the thoughts and perceptions of civil servants, fund administrators and community group leaders in Derry, Belfast and the Border Area to consider peoples reflections on the outcome of funding, concerns for the future once funding ends, what vital work is still needed and what strategies exist to continue the work of peace after the cessation of Phase II. 相似文献