Re‐imagining Geographic Labour Mobility through ‘Distance Labour’

Geographic labour mobility is necessary for increasing productivity in Australia. Long‐distance commuting has been found to be especially significant. However, important considerations are being excluded from policy discussions within the Productivity Commission on this topic. This commentary covers these important omissions. They are, namely, the problematic conflation of the terminologies of ‘fly‐in, fly‐out’ and ‘long‐distance commuting’ with mining, and a lack of qualitative research investigating the material impacts of these labour practices on people's lives. This commentary puts forward a new terminology, ‘distance labour’, to better include those industries on the margins of distance commuting. By accounting for the social worlds of workers engaged in distance labour, the Productivity Commission could increase the validity of its datasets, and provide more egalitarian policy recommendations.     

“游”的下行与“文”的上升——论东汉士人流动的下行趋势及其文章史意义

东汉士人的流动相对战国、西汉时期的士人流动呈现出"下行"趋势,具体表现为游学群体的"平民化"、游学地点的"民间化"和游学目的的"俗世化"。士人流动、士人流动的"下行"促成了文章写作群体的生成与文章体裁的新变,并带来了东汉文章写作的繁荣。伴随着大量士人的流动与写作群体的生成,非实用类文章也日渐增多,表现为文章抒情功能的提升。后世所言的真正的"文学"这一意识形态,日益脱离史学、经学而走向自觉与独立,最终促成了"文"的上升。     

Picturing theory: Nicole Awai’s black ooze as post-diaspora expression

ABSTRACT

Given contexts of globalization and transnationalism, and calls within the academe for new vocabularies to describe contemporary migrations and encounters, this article looks to the visual arts in its proposal of a lexicon for articulating mobilities and self-fashioning. In its consideration of a post-diaspora theory, the article lays a foundation for its argument by putting the ideas of philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre in dialog with the work of Trinidadian-born, US-based contemporary artist Nicole Awai, specifically the artworks in which she attends to the notion of a black ooze. Rather than dislocation and disjuncture, the article posits the idea of the viscous or the ooze as a symbol of diverse affiliations and nuanced mobilities. Furthermore, the ooze is advanced as a means of understanding post-diaspora in gendered terms. The article asks: what forms of expression are available to reconfigure identities as post-diasporic? It argues that Nicole Awai’s work is one such expression.     

The Perils and Penalties of Meritocracy: Sanctioning Inequalities and Legitimating Prejudice

This article deploys insights from Michael Young’s 1958 satire The Rise of the Meritocracy to challenge the dominant ideology of meritocracy in contemporary British society. It draws on ethnographic research in schools over a twenty-five year period to illustrate the damage the illusion of meritocracy inflicts on children and young people, but particularly those from working class backgrounds. It argues that the consequences of the pretence of meritocracy are to be found in everyday practices of testing, hyper-competition and setting, and beyond the classroom in the designation of predominantly working class schools as ‘rubbish schools for rubbish learners’. It concludes that, beyond the negative consequences for working class learners, there are wider consequences for British society, exacerbating social divisions and encouraging the growth of distrust, prejudice, envy, resentment, and contempt between different social groups.     

Stuck in Mobility? Interrupted Journeys of Migrants With Precarious Legal Status in Europe

Abstract

Due to lack of access to work and support services migrants with precarious legal status engage in onward mobility within EUrope and thus contest the migration regime that aims to control and limit their mobility. This article highlights the ambiguous nature of mobility from a critical mobilities perspective based on multi-sited ethnographic research and interviews with migrants in Austria, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland. By focusing on their interrupted journeys, the article shows how migrants use mobility to secure basic needs and avoid migration control attempts and how this enhanced mobility aggravates emotional instability.     

“Sitting on a Man: Colonialism and the Lost Political Institutions ot lgbo Women”: A Reply to Judith Van Allen

Présenté par ses promoteurs comme une initiative renouvelant l'approche du Développement en Afrique, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD) suscite dans la littérature des travaux essentiellement normatifs. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à savoir s'il introduit une innovation ou s'il perpétue des politiques préexistantes. En explorant la genèse, les idées et les stratégies du NEPAD, nous montrons que l'innovation postulée est limitée et mettons en évidence deux phénomènes explicatifs. Elle est limitée d'abord en raison de la dépendance au sentier précédemment balisé notamment par les institutions financières internationales; dépendance qui provient des phénomènes de diffusion des idées et de rigidité des structures et normes politiques institutionnalisées et implique une continuité avec les politiques antérieures. Elle est limitée ensuite en raison des stratégies instrumentales des dirigeants africains qui, répondant à l'appel des partenaires extérieurs, "jouent le jeu" en adoptant les idées, les discours et les stratégies dominantes en vue de recevoir des ressources subordonnées à cette attitude conformiste.     

Authoritarian Co-optation in the Age of Globalisation: Evidence from Hong Kong

The existing literature on authoritarian survival, implicitly or explicitly, assumes that political challenges faced by authoritarian regimes are all domestic. I argue that globalisation exposes authoritarian regimes to new sources of threat. In particular, capital mobility forces authoritarian regimes to deal with not only those who dare to voice out dissatisfaction, but also those who exit. While repression may be the best strategy to silence the vocal, co-optation would be a more effective tool to retain the runaway. It is, however, often impossible to co-opt all the capital owners. As such, authoritarian regimes have to be selective when choosing co-optation targets. I argue that authoritarian regimes would co-opt renowned firms because these firms yield the greatest demonstration effect. Hong Kong provides an interesting case to illustrate my arguments. Beijing strategically co-opted the stakeholders of renowned firms in Hong Kong in order to solve the city's pervasive confidence crisis prior to 1997. I test my arguments with data on firms listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. I find that firms owned by well-known and prestigious elite families were more likely to build political connections with Beijing. To test the causal linkage more rigorously, I use both the genetic matching and instrumental variable approaches. The empirical results provide strong support to my arguments.     

Free and unfree labor in Qing China

Though internal migration in China during the Qing era (1644–1911) was mostly unrestricted, the government tightly controlled the movement of peasants who worked state lands in frontier regions and certain other locations. Such peasants accounted for 5–10% of China's population. In the state farms of northeast China, households could move legally only from one place to another within the system. Departure from the system was illegal. In this article, one of the first quantitative studies of migration in late imperial China, we apply discrete-time event-history methods to longitudinal, nominative household register data from six northeast Chinese state farm systems to compare how characteristics of the farm system, village, and household influenced the chances of legal moves and illegal departures. We show that among these state peasants, who were supposedly “unfree,” migration was not uncommon. We also show that the determinants of legal and illegal migration differed substantially. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our understanding of migration processes in late imperial China.     

Spanish NGOs’ discourses and practices in migration and development: A critical discussion from a global perspective

ABSTRACT

The concept of migration and development (M&D) and practices in that area have lain on many countries’ political agendas for decades, with no clear focus or coherent strategy knitting together the various stakeholders working in the sphere. This article analyzes the main conceptions of M&D in the discourses and practices of Spanish NGOs and compares them with the focuses that have arisen in the academic sphere, for a look into primarily five issues: whether NGOs have their own focus on the migration-development nexus or are swayed by public institutions’ guidelines; whether NGOs steer their actions more toward preventing and restricting migration or toward promoting development; whether NGOs also consider potential effects on development in receiving countries; whether NGOs entertain the idea of participatory actions where immigrant persons hold centre stage; and whether NGOs fulfil their civic and political function as a propounding force to contribute to democratic governance in migration matters.     

State anti‐labor legislation: Texas — A case study

Previous research on the Great Migration in the USA has focused on the economic outcomes of black migrants in the North. In comparison, the economic outcomes of black migrants in the West, particularly during the second wave of the Great Migration that occurred between 1940 and 1970, have not been fully explored in the literature. This article analyzes the occupational mobility of southern-born black male migrants in the West in the 1950s relative to various subgroups residing in the West: western-born white and black males and southern-born white males. Regression results from the 1% 1950 and the 1960 census microdata samples indicate that unlike in the North in the 1910s where southern-born blacks were not as upwardly mobile as northern-born blacks during the first wave of the Great Migration, there was no difference between western-born blacks and southern-born blacks in their probability of getting employed in a particular occupational class in the West in the 1950s, during the second wave of the Great Migration. However, compared to white males, although the majority of black males remained employed in lower-blue-collar occupations (as laborers and service workers), southern-born blacks were successful at increasing their representation in upper-blue-collar occupations (into Crafts/Sales).