IMPACT OF VICTIMIZATION ON RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY: EXPLAINING RACIAL AND ETHNIC PATTERNS USING THE NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY

Criminal victimization is known to influence households’ moving decisions, but theories suggest that the processes leading to a moving decision can vary across racial and ethnic groups. Drawing from current literature, we hypothesized that victimization would have a stronger effect on moving decisions for Whites than for Blacks or Hispanics, and that racial/ethnic residential segregation would moderate the impact of victimization on mobility. Using a longitudinal sample of 34,134 housing units compiled from the National Crime Victimization Survey for the 40 largest metropolitan areas in the United States (1995–2003), we found results that both support and contradict the hypotheses. Specifically, White residents display consistent evidence that victimization is a significant predictor of household mobility. Blacks and Hispanics, in contrast, are more varied in their moving behavior after victimization. In addition, significant differences exist among these groups in responses to victimization and in how mobility is influenced by residential segregation. Higher levels of residential segregation play a part in the victimization–mobility relationship among Blacks in a way that is more complex than we hypothesized.     

Leaving Europe: New Crises,Entrenched Inequalities and Alternative Routes of Social Mobility

Abstract

This article addresses conceptual issues around contemporary forms of out-of-Europe migrations of various European publics. In particular, we ask how such moves contribute to both the decentring of Europe in migration debates, and to the ‘de-migranticization' (Dahinden, 2016 Dahinden, J. (2016). A plea for the ‘de-migranticization’ of research on migration and integration 1. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39(13), 2207–2225. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1124129[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) of the social scientific study of migration. This article also serves as the introduction to this special issue entitled “Leaving Europe: Alternative routes of up/outward mobility” that aims to document ethnographically new forms of European emigration and shed light on an imaginary of Europe which is not conceived as a place of prosperity and success but rather as a locus of disempowerment.     

Where Does Location Affordability Drive Residential Mobility? An Analysis of Origin and Destination Communities

Abstract

Despite an overall decrease in residential mobility after the 2007 housing crisis, many households, particularly those that are low income, continue to move in pursuit of a better life. Traditional theories of residential mobility suggest that mobility will occur when housing and transportation costs are cumulatively greater than the cost of moving to a new location. At the same time, the influence of these factors is not likely to be uniform across geographic contexts or for moves up or down the metropolitan hierarchy. Our analysis examines how well affordability measures explain patterns of county-level residential mobility. Specifically, we contrast conventional measures of affordability focused on the ratio of income to housing expense with measures of location affordability that factor in both housing and transportation costs. We find that whereas households tend to move from lower to higher cost locations, transit affordability at the destination plays an important role in mobility decisions.     

中国居民个人收入流动性的城乡比较

本文利用了中国健康和营养调查的面板数据,采用普通最小二乘法与分位数回归等计量方法定量分析比较了1989至2006年间短期(2-4年)和长期(8-9年)的个人收入流动性的城乡差异。无论是短期还是长期,农村和城市在个人收入流动的模式上没有显著差别。与农村相比,城市的流动水平要低一些。其中的原因是城市高收入端的流动水平非常低,最近(2004至2006年)甚至出现了富者愈富、穷者愈穷的流动模式。这是十分需要我们警惕的。     

Dual citizenship and theories of democracy

Dual/multiple citizenship has become a widespread phenomenon in many parts of the world. This acceptance or tolerance of overlapping memberships in political communities represents an important element in the ongoing readjustment of the relationship between citizens and political communities in democratic systems. This article has two goals and parts. First, it evaluates dual citizenship from the perspective of five normative theories of democracy. Liberal and republican as well as multicultural and deliberative understandings of democracy deliver a broad spectrum of arguments in favour of dual citizenship. Only communitarians fear that dual citizenship endangers national democracies. Nevertheless, empirical evidence and national policies largely contradict these fears. The second part of the article reverses the perspective and shows that most theories of democracy do not only legitimate and facilitate the acceptance of dual citizenship – the phenomenon of multiple citizenships induces innovation in democratic theory in turn. A second look at the relationship between dual citizenship and theories of democracy reveals that dual citizenship stimulates refinements, expansions and reconceptualisations of these theories for a transnationalising world.     

Science and International Environmental Nonregimes: The Case of Arctic Haze

Dimitrov et al. argue that nonregimes are a worthy object of research attention that can contribute to international regime theory. Case studies, however, are still sparse. In this article, I examine Arctic haze, an issue area where a transnational environmental problem existed but no regime formed. Arctic haze was (re‐)discovered in 1971 but by 2000, the window of opportunity to form a regime had closed. What factors explain why an Arctic haze regime was not formed between 1971 and 2000? I claim science‐based factors play the dominant role. An analytical approach applicable to the science‐policy interface was employed. Using this approach, I conclude that the Arctic haze nonregime is best explained by the absence of scientifically documented and compelling transboundary consequences to ecosystems and humans. This is a product of the unique nature of the Arctic atmosphere.     

Using Gas Chromatography with Ion Mobility Spectrometry to Resolve Explosive Compounds in the Presence of Interferents*

Abstract: Ion mobility spectrometry (IMS) is a valued field detection technology because of its speed and high sensitivity, but IMS cannot easily resolve analytes of interest within mixtures. Coupling gas chromatography (GC) to IMS adds a separation capability to resolve complex matrices. A GC‐IONSCAN^® operated in IMS and GC/IMS modes was evaluated with combinations of five explosives and four interferents. In 100 explosive/interferent combinations, IMS yielded 21 false positives while GC/IMS substantially reduced the occurrence of false positives to one. In addition, the results indicate that through redesign or modification of the preconcentrator there would be significant advantages to using GC/IMS, such as enhancement of the linear dynamic range (LDR) in some situations. By balancing sensitivity with LDR, GC/IMS could prove to be a very advantageous tool when addressing real world complex mixture situations.     

改革以来中国农民工流动机制变迁的考察

改革开放以来中国农民工流动机制变迁经历三个基本阶段：1978-1992年以乡镇企业发展为主体的产业流动机制建设时期;1992-2002年以国企改制和非公经济发展为主体的社会主义市场经济机制建设时期;2002年至今以科学发展观为指导的城乡一体发展体制建设时期。其基本特点与历史经验是：第一,家庭联产承包责任制与社会主义市场经济体制搭建了农民工流动机制的基本框架。第二,从城乡二元流动机制走向城乡一体流动机制。第三,从产业流动机制到地域流动机制有序放开。第四,在城市流动机制中,以沿海城市与中小城市为吸纳主体。农民工市民化以小城镇为吸纳主体。改革以来农民工流动机制变迁,积累了宝贵的经验,也留下了深刻的启示。     

Testing the Hollowing-Out Thesis

In recent years, many economists have argued that governments are discarding pegged exchange rates in favor of alternative exchange rate regimes such as monetary unions and currency boards on the one hand, or floating exchange rates on the other. Capital mobility, such economists argue, has made pegged exchange rates costly to maintain for long periods, and thus the pegging option is being “hollowed-out.” Few, however, have tried to present evidence that capital mobility has a direct effect on exchange rate regime choices. I present two sets of tests using different measures of capital mobility that provide qualified confirmation that developing countries peg less as capital mobility rises. These tests indicate that direct measures of capital mobility have some correlation with de facto exchange rate regimes but not with de jure exchange rate regimes. Capital flows, a consequence of capital mobility, may have a direct effect on the choices of both de jure and de facto regimes. Governments do not make changes in their declared exchange rate policies in rational anticipation of the growing costs of pegging associated with increasing capital mobility. Rather, governments normally adapt their declared exchange rate policies after capital flows have increased and actual exchange rates have become more difficult to manage. The tests also indicate that hollowing-out has not only been the result of systemic factors such as increasing capital mobility and capital flows, but also due to domestic factors such as growing public sector indebtedness and the spread of democracy.