论刑期折抵的若干问题

刑期折抵是一项重要的刑法制度,可被折抵的"刑期"只能是宣告刑;从刑期与刑种的关系看,刑期折抵被折抵的刑种只能是有刑期的自由刑或有数额的财产刑或有刑期的资格刑。刑期折抵以"先行羁押"的客观存在为前提,即,在法定判决(或新判决)执行前被告人有被强制剥夺或限制人身自由的事实;此外,适用刑期折抵的条件还有,被强制剥夺或限制人身自由的事实理由又被刑事追诉和判处某些法定刑罚,并且,它与刑事追诉之间有密切的关联性。     

党的第三代领导集体对邓小平反腐倡廉思想的发展和创新

以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体,在领导我国人民不断推进有中国特色社会主义建设的伟大事业中,集中全党智慧,对反腐败斗争的重大意义作了新思考,对反腐败斗争的长期性艰巨性作了新分析,对反腐败斗争的方针原则进行了新探索,从而以新的理论贡献丰富和发展了邓小平的反腐倡廉思想。     

建设政治文明首先要发展党内民主

建设政治文明,其实质和主要途径是建设民主政治。作为以人民群众当家作主为本质的民主政治的发展,有赖于政治体制的完善。在政治体制改革中,改革和完善党的领导,对推进民主政治建设具有全局性作用,因此,必须改革和完善党的有关制度,大力发展党内民主,保证党的政治生活的民主化,以发挥对人民民主的示范和带动作用。     

Electoral Gender Quotas: Lessons from Argentina and Chile

This comparative case study examines the role of electoral quotas for increasing women's representation in Argentina and Chile. The Central hypothesis is that gender quotas in favourable electoral systems increase women's representation, and a corollary hypothesis is that more women in politics should also promote gender issues in public policy. Since the transitions to democratic regimes, many Argentine and Chilean women still promote gender issues, such as gender quotas, but the different transitions shaped the opportunity space for gender issues in politics. Thus, gender quotas can be effective, but the types of electoral and quota systems are important defining conditions and improvements in gender issues are not guaranteed.     

关于社会主义政治文明建设的理论探析

党的十六大第一次明确地对建设社会主义政治文明做出部署,并将它与物质文明、精神文明一起确定为社会主义现代化建设的三大目标,这是对马克思主义理论的创新与发展,也丰富和深化了我们对中国特色社会主义的认识。     

当代世界政治格局与中国文化

当今世界,政治多极化已成为发展的必然趋势。在政治对抗过程中,文化扮演着极为重要的角色。中国作为一个发展中的社会主义大国,要在对抗中保持中国文化个性,抵制强国文化霸权的侵略,必须大力弘扬和培育民族精神,积极参与全球化,大力发展文化产业,积极推进文化创新,以维护我国的文化安全。     

浅议我国社会主义政治文明的本质特征

社会主义政治文明本质上是人民民主的政治文明。党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的统一性 ,是我国社会主义民主政治最根本的特征 ,也是社会主义政治文明的本质特征     

Creativity in Court‐Connected Mediation: Myth or Reality?

In this study, we examined creativity in court‐connected mediation. We analyzed 129 mediated agreements from civil cases in Norway and Denmark and compared the outcomes with the parties' original claims to determine whether the agreement addressed only the disputants' demands or contained other elements. If the mediated agreements contained elements in addition to the original claims, we considered them to be “creative.” We devised a creativity scale and found that approximately two thirds of the cases contained creative elements and one quarter of them contained more than five creative elements. We then sought to determine which aspects of the mediation promoted creativity by looking at a variety of mediation characteristics (length of mediation, characteristics of the parties, etc.). We found that lengthier mediations tended to feature more creativity as did cases that involved two private individuals rather than businesses. Cases whose issues involved inheritance as well as the division of property following divorce seemed to foster the highest levels of creativity. Finally, we found that the amount of money at issue also seemed to be relevant: the highest levels of creativity were found in cases in which more money was at stake. In this article, we also discuss the implications of our findings for future research, practice, and training.     

冷战后的中国—东盟关系探析:身份政治的视角

冷战结束后,中国—东盟关系得到了极大的改善和发展。冷战后东亚地区认知结构的变化及中国对东盟规范的内化使中国有了新的身份定位,在这种身份定位指导下的国际实践加深了东盟对中国新身份的重构和认同。中国身份定位的温和与理性及中国自我利益的不断扩大是导致东盟认同中国新身份的重要因素。身份政治理论在给我们提供新视角的同时,其学理性还需要进一步完善,以便更好地解释和指导国际实践。     

国际组织管辖豁免：从绝对豁免走向限制豁免

作为国际法的主体,国际组织享有豁免权得到了普遍的承认。但是,随着国际法的发展,国际组织豁免权也遭遇了严重挑战。尽管如此,国际法的实践表明,国际组织管辖豁免尚未如国家管辖豁免一样从绝对豁免发展为限制豁免。当事人＂诉诸法院之权利＂作为国际组织豁免的制衡器,还没有发展成为习惯国际法,国际强行法也并不必然具有否定国际组织管辖豁免的效力。从人权保护角度讲,如果要维护国际组织豁免权以保障其独立行使职能,就要积极寻求完善相应的替代争议解决机制,保障当事人寻求正义权利的实现。