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181.
从乘警宁可被打死也不敢开枪的案例来看,警察不敢开枪有其主客观原因.其中刑事法律缺乏对警察履行职责行为的特殊保护,警察使用武器的有关规定缺乏可操作性,导致实践中警察无法准确掌握依法使用武器的法定条件,是警察有枪不敢开的客观原因;一些警察因为违法使用枪支而被追究法律责任,则使警察主观上不愿和不敢使用武器.应完善有关法律和制度,确保民警敢于依法正确使用武器.  相似文献   
182.
South Africa's status and prestige as a country that successfully and unilaterally disarmed its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme enabled it to engage with the Saddam government of Iraq in the months leading up to the US-led invasion of March 2003. Following intense international diplomatic efforts, Saddam Hussein had agreed to allow UN and International Atomic Energy Agency weapons inspectors to enter Iraq in November 2002. Acting outside the UN Security Council, the US and its coalition partners maintained that Iraq continued to maintain and produce WMD, a claim refuted by weapons inspectors, including a South African disarmament team that visited Iraq in February 2003. Employing three diplomatic strategies associated with niche diplomacy, South Africa contributed to attempts to avert the invasion by assisting with the orderly disarmament of Saddam-led Iraq and by practising multilateralism. These strategies, notwithstanding the US-led invasion signalling a failure of South Africa's niche diplomacy in this instance, provide valuable insight into the nuclear diplomacy of South Africa.  相似文献   
183.
The past year has seen a steady rise in tensions with regard to Iran's nuclear programme. Iran's economy is being crippled by far-ranging sanctions and the threat of an Israeli attack on Iranian nuclear facilities looms large on the horizon. Yet the country's nuclear programme marches on, stoking fears that Iran may indeed be seeking to cross the nuclear weapons threshold. In this context, it is timely to consider how key regional players would respond to a nuclear-armed Iran. Many argue that an Iranian bomb would prompt a proliferation cascade in the Middle East. However, a closer examination of the drivers for key regional players shows that this is not necessarily the case. There is a range of non-proliferation tools that could be applied by the West and others to offset this risk.  相似文献   
184.
Soon after death, carcasses release volatile chemicals that attract carrion insects including Silphidae. Nevertheless, it is not known which chemical cues are involved in the attractiveness of the carcass. So far, little information is available on the chemical ecology of carrion beetles, particularly concerning the subfamily of Silphinae. The biological role of selected cadaveric volatile organic compounds including dimethyldisulfide (DMDS), butan‐1‐ol, n‐butanoic acid, indole, phenol, p‐cresol, putrescine, and cadaverine on the silphine species, Thanatophilus sinuatus Fabricius, was investigated using both electrophysiological and behavioral techniques. Among the tested cadaveric compounds, butan‐1‐ol and DMDS elicited the strongest electroantennography (EAG) from both T. sinuatus male and female antennae. In a two‐arm olfactometer, males and females were significantly attracted to DMDS for both tested doses, whereas only males were attracted to p‐cresol at 100 ng. Putrescine was repellent to males at the dose of 1 μg.  相似文献   
185.
This article analyses the potential motivations behind the opposition of a number of Central and Eastern European States (CESs) to the withdrawal of US deployed nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs) from Europe. It shows why CES governments obtain no military benefits from the deployed NSNW; it argues CES are unlikely to truly see them as a promising bargaining chip; it suggests CES can derive only limited prestige from US-deployed weapons and the contrasting norm of ‘nuclear disarmament’ likely offers a more attractive option; and it assesses potential bureaucratic interests as improbable to play a decisive role. In contrast, the article proposes a more nuanced elaboration of the transatlantic ‘linkage’ argument. It maintains CES have significant motives to keep the United States involved in Europe, shows how they are likely to mistrust US commitment pledges, and argues they are prone to use the NSNW debate as a convenient instrument (within a limited toolbox) towards locking in the US foothold on the continent.  相似文献   
186.
Of the five North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) European countries of US nuclear forward deployment, Italy is the least-known and studied case, even though the country hosts the largest number of US nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs) and still has two bases of deployment. The paper aims at filling this gap by analyzing Italy's current view on the presence, value, and future of NSNWs hosted on its territory. The analysis begins with the examination of the process of profound devaluation that has minimized, starting from the end of the cold war, Italy's original interest in this category of weapons. It then examines the reasons why Rome continues to pursue conservative nuclear weapon policies and distances itself significantly from the progressive camp of NATO members, particularly Germany, that explicitly call for the withdrawal of US NSNWs from Europe. Through the study of the Italian domestic politics and security culture, the article explains Italy's opposition to any radical change in the NATO nuclear status quo, and its reluctance to pursue policies that are consistent with the process of nuclear devaluation that the country has experienced over the past two decades.  相似文献   
187.
The present article looks at the evolution of Spanish views on deterrence and non-proliferation. Like every member state of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Spain is covered by the US nuclear umbrella and has accepted the logic of deterrence, while at the same time maintaining a denuclearised status and committing to the goal of disarmament enshrined in the non-proliferation treaty. This article explores the background of Spain's apparently contradictory situation as a denuclearised member of NATO and how it positions itself in regard to the nuclear question in the current security context. It concludes that while Spanish nuclear ‘exceptionalism’ originally rested on the reluctance of the political elites to alter the precarious compromise that once allowed for Spain's accession to NATO as a denuclearised member, it gradually withered away to give way to a close alignment with Alliance policies driven by a desire to preserve strong security links with its partners.  相似文献   
188.
Analysis of impurities in seized MDMA tablets can be used to determine the synthesis method used and to identify links among exhibits. However, no standardized method exists to generate impurity profiles, limiting comparisons among different laboratories. This research investigated the effect of extraction procedure and gas chromatography temperature program on the resulting impurity profiles. Five exhibits were extracted using liquid–liquid extraction (LLE) and headspace solid‐phase microextraction (HS‐SPME), then analyzed using two different temperature programs. Profiles were statistically assessed using principal components analysis. While LLE was more reproducible, more compounds were extracted using HS‐SPME, thus providing more informative chemical profiles. The longer temperature program (53 min vs. 36 min) allowed greater discrimination of exhibits, due to improved precision as a result of an extended hold time (12 min). This research further highlights the need for standardized extraction and analysis procedures to allow comparison of chemical profiles generated in different laboratories.  相似文献   
189.
;通过对公安院校学员依法使用警械武器能力现状的研究,发现我国公安院校学员操作警械武器的能力提升较大,但是依法使用警械武器的能力明显落后于操作能力的训练。通过咨询专家、文献整理和与一线民警交流,发现提高公安院校学员依法准确、快速的认知反应能力显得十分重要。现实执法环境复杂多变,提高学员依法使用警械武器能力,可以有效避免出现各种因不规范操作而出现的失误。  相似文献   
190.
枪支是人民警察专配的、震慑与制服违法犯罪嫌疑人的直接工具和保护执勤的公安民警的有力武器。目前对武器的管理虽然可以避免滥用武器警械事件发生,但容易造成公安民警不必要的伤亡,也会降低公安民警在紧急情况下使用枪支的意识和技能。  相似文献   
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