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排序方式: 共有1515条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
911.
地下水资源在我国的保护已是刻不容缓,虽然有些地区已经出现地下水危机,但并没有引起公众对地下水资源保护的关注,然而公众参与是地下水资源保护的重要保障。国外地下水资源保护中有公众参与制度,欧盟出台了诸多条例、指令,对地下水资源保护中的公众参与制度进行了具体规定;澳大利亚等国家也都在公布的地下水资源保护的法律文件中规定公众参与制度。地下水资源保护在我国并没有得到应有的重视,相关的公众参与制度更是没有规定。在新的历史条件下,必须健全我国地下水资源保护中的公众参与制度。  相似文献   
912.
This mixed-methods study examined the long-term associations between two kinds of politics courses—required political science courses and required family policy courses—and the political participation, knowledge, skill, efficacy, and politically engaged identity of child and family studies alumni. Two special cases were examined: those who remembered their required political science and policy courses compared with the other groups. Additionally, open-ended responses were coded and analyzed. Together, the quantitative and qualitative data suggest that college courses impacted alumni political awareness in college but political awareness did not translate as strongly into later political participation as previous literature has assumed. Findings highlight the importance of postcollege personal connections and work experience in shaping political participation. Educators and researchers should consider this complex relationship between what students learn in college and what they may later experience in adulthood when developing curriculum for students who are not political science majors.  相似文献   
913.
’95世妇会强调了男性参与的重要性,但20年来男性参与在中国仍然做得很不够。男性参与的概念在1994年第一次被正式提出,此后不断受到重视,男性参与具有必要性与可能性,是实现性别平等的重要力量。中国男性参与的理论与实践刚刚起步,需要加强。推动中国的男性参与,应该加强男性参与的理论研究,落实男性参与的现状与经验研究,并且在法律与公共政策、学校教育、大众传播、社会服务等领域制定和落实推动男性参与的具体策略,这些是弘扬’95世妇会精神所必需的。  相似文献   
914.
市民素质是通过教育和社会环境的影响逐步形成和发展起来的,它是科学素质、道德素质、审美素质、生理素质和心理素质等的统一。市民素质的提升是社会进步发展的体现。市民素质的提升将更有利于贵阳的发展,因此我们必须建立提升市民素质的有效机制,以实现人的全面发展,通过提升市民素质来提升城市的综合竞争力,以实现贵阳的可持续发展。  相似文献   
915.
技术理性思维方式对人类社会进行规划和设计,给人类带来的结果不仅是人类个体价值受到压抑,而且压抑了个体的道德中对他者负责的伦理意识,人类社会政治越来越依靠科学化和程序好的方式来管理。因此,我们需要抛除满足人的物质需求就是社会的发展,丰裕的物质增长就会带来民主和社会的想法,寻求人类对社会主体的关注度,构建公民本位生存模式,回归人类政治生活世界的本真向度。  相似文献   
916.
The article questions if the participation of civil society actors in foreign policy making would lead to the democratization of foreign policy processes. The analysis is based on the comparison of three foreign policy participatory initiatives – the Civil Society Consultative Council, the Social and Participative Mercosur Programme and the Dialogue and Consultation System – which currently take place in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, respectively. The hypothesis to be tested is that participatory institutions modify representation in foreign policy by breaking with the monopoly of the diplomatic bureaucracy in foreign policy making on regional integration. For that, we develop a comprehensive model based on social participation indicators and assess the specifics of each participatory initiative by mobilizing documental sources and conducting face-to-face interviews with key actors for each initiative. We ultimately find that the democratic nature is rather correlated with the institutional design adopted by the participatory initiative under scrutiny.  相似文献   
917.
Priya Chattier 《圆桌》2015,104(2):177-188
Abstract

Women in Fiji have made steady, albeit slow, progress in terms of parliamentary representation, with women now holding 14% of seats in the lower house of parliament. Some of the progress has occurred as a result of improvements associated with increased socio-economic development, such as education, female employment and incremental changes in women’s standing in Fiji society. Much of this change, however, has been due to women’s movements and civil society activism becoming more astute to concerns of gender equality and lobbying for women’s political participation. In a country that witnessed four political coups, women have had to create their own path into the public sphere. Despite progress, with an increasing number of women in the 2014 parliament, patriarchy is still a major force hindering women’s political advancement in Fiji. This paper argues that a combination of cultural stereotyping and persistent gendered norms contribute to masculinisation of the political realm and eulogise women’s role in the private sphere. But gender intersecting with ethnicity, age and class create differential levels of political agency for different groups of women in Fiji.  相似文献   
918.
The evolution of participatory practices clearly evidences movement away from local participatory projects implemented with the use of participatory methodologies such as participatory rural appraisal, and towards citizen participation in government activities. This trend reflects development discourse concerning participation, and in particular responds to the critique aimed at local participatory development. Using case study data from Ecuador, the article discusses the previously overlooked effects of this phenomenon, namely a uniformity of participatory development practice and a lack of opportunities for people to engage in development activities that provide participation “as an end” benefits such as empowerment and confidence-building.  相似文献   
919.
This article constitutes a pointed theoretical intervention in the debate opposing Richards and Smith to Flinders on the question of citizen disengagement. Its main contention is that Richards and Smith offer a straw‐man argument against Flinders by identifying him with positions he does not hold. It thus shows that Richards and Smith falsely identify Flinders with the following positions: (a) there is no need for a major overhaul in the UK's existing democratic and governance arrangements; (b) the problem of citizen disengagement is caused by the public's insatiable demand for democratic participation; and (c) the problem with British politics is that there is too much democracy and accountability. Finally, the article closes by identifying points of genuine tension between the Richards/Smith position and that defended by Flinders.  相似文献   
920.
This paper reviews the problem of declining turnout and proposes as a solution a system whereby each elector would be legally obliged to vote in the first election for which they were eligible. Popular attitudes toward first‐time compulsory voting are measured and probed by means of UK data. The main findings of the paper are that first‐time compulsory voting is a politically and administratively feasible proposal that appears tentatively to command popular support and has the potential to help address a number of the problems associated with declining turnout, and in particular low rates of electoral participation among younger citizens.  相似文献   
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