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201.
实施素质教育是公安高等院校教育改革的方向,随着"以人为本,构建和谐社会"理念的深入,以培养"完整的人"为核心的"通识教育"已逐渐被接受和认同。作为培养公安事业接班人的公安高等院校,培养对象的特殊性决定了大学语文在其通识教育中的重要意义。作为公安高等院校的大学语文教育工作者,应在明确大学语文学科在公安高等院校通识教育中定位的同时,努力寻找公安职业教育与大学语文教育之间的契合点,结合公安高等院校教育的特殊性与大学语文的基础性、人文性,进一步探索在公安高等院校通识教育背景下,大学语文教学该如何发挥出应有的作用,注重提高受教育者的文化素质,"向教育要素质,向素质要警力",真正确立起大学语文在公安高等院校通识教育中的先导性地位。  相似文献   
202.
外国能源管理机构设置及运行机制研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
能源是人类社会赖以生存和发展的重要物质基础,各国政府对能源管理都高度重视,采取了许多积极有效的措施建立和完善能源管理体制。然而,我国现行的能源管理体制还存在着诸多问题和不足,远远不能适应我国经济社会发展和国际竞争的需要,改革迫在眉睫。因此,应该从我国能源管理的现实出发,积极借鉴国外能源管理的成功做法和经验,建立集中管理、监管分立、法律完备、协调高效的能源管理体制。  相似文献   
203.
向达 《行政与法》2021,(2):19-26
内生型治理是中国社会治理转型的必然要求,是共建共治共享社会治理新格局诉求下多元规范协同治理的必然路径,体现了"中国之治"的"中国经验"和"中国智慧".内生型治理具有历史性、发生学、实事求是、人民性等意涵,是中国特色社会主义理论和实践的伟大创新,是历史逻辑与实践逻辑的融合创新.在系统论、协同学及"技术-社会"视角的指引下...  相似文献   
204.
The ideal of evidence-based policy making (EBPM) may be hindered by delayed policy response to disclosed evidence. This article adopts Allison's three-lens decision-making framework to highlight technical, organizational, and political causes of delayed policy responses to apparent evidence. The study uses China's birth control policy as a case to examine the lag of policy adjustments. Although ample supply of evidence suggested earlier relaxation of China's one-child policy, major adjustments only happened after 2013 and failed to achieve significant results. The study indicates that a politics-informed EBPM approach may better position the role of evidence in policy processes by taking into consideration the unavoidable influences of institutions and politics.  相似文献   
205.
By using information and communications technologies, public administration encourages external actors to get involved in governmental activities once performed by civil servants. This article seeks to investigate the open innovation phenomenon beyond the entrepreneurial domain in the context of open government. For this purpose, a multiple case study was conducted to explore the current state of open government in Austria. The study first reveals the role of citizens as an active part of the system, then discusses the impact of citizensourcing projects, and finally concludes with giving implications for research and practice.  相似文献   
206.
Three decades of government budget cuts have placed significant financial pressure on Australia's cultural institutions. Institutions are increasingly trying to attract non‐government funding to fulfil their legislative mandates to collect, maintain, and exhibit Australian and international art, to educate and inform the public, and preserve Australia's political, social, and cultural history. Evidence suggests that, despite these efforts, sources of funding have not changed significantly. Budget cuts are impacting a range of areas including acquisitions, preservation, digitisation, as well as limiting access to researchers and the public. This paper concludes that a public review of the roles played by cultural institutions is required, including consideration of the level of public funding provided. To do otherwise is to ignore the importance of Australia's cultural heritage.  相似文献   
207.
我国新型农村金融组织市场退出监管的制度建设尚处于探索初期,在实践运行中也暴露出诸多弊端。因此,在建设现代农村金融制度的背景下,对比总结村镇银行、小额贷款公司与资金互助社在经营管理和支农方式上的异同,并在此基础上进行差别化的市场退出监管制度设计,无疑对回应新世纪我国农村金融监管实践、完善新型农村金融组织法律制度具有重要的理论价值与现实意义。  相似文献   
208.
The policy adoption is often seen as a function of internal determinants, external determinants, or a combination of the two. In the years since the start of the HIV/AIDS epidemic nearly every country in the world has adopted of some nature a program to combat the epidemic. This article demonstrates the mixed mechanisms influencing the adoption of AIDS programs, in a quantitative study of 90 countries. Prior studies have claimed that multilateral organizations were vital to global action against the HIV/AIDS epidemic. This study provides empirical evidence showing the actions taken by the multilateral organizations have both helped and hindered efforts to combat the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
209.
Kai Arzheimer's careful and thorough comment upon my earlier BJPIR article raises a number of important issues. While engaging in a thorough critique of the original article's methods, he also points to the (perhaps) inherent problems any quantitative approach may encounter in this area. The consequences of this are that if we wish to assess whether there are social determinants to participation, quantitative methods are limited. In the light of this, after addressing some mis-characterisations in his comment, this reply seeks to provide qualitative evidence that there may well be a link between welfare state institutions and outputs and participation.  相似文献   
210.
Drawing on two complementary mechanisms, this article explores the question of whether electoral institutions and conditions of electoral competition create incentives to promote electoral misconduct in young or developing democracies. The first mechanism explains how majoritarian institutions like disproportional electoral systems are more likely to trigger electoral fraud than consensus electoral institutions like proportional representation. However, for this mechanism to be activated, the incumbent must feel effectively threatened by the opposition. To better understand the way this mechanism works, the electoral history of the country also needs to be taken into consideration. Democracies which have a historical record of running clean elections are less likely to experience fraud than countries with a history of electoral misconduct. I test these theoretical claims using a dataset that contains relevant information for 323 parliamentary elections in 59 new or developing democracies in the period between 1960 and 2006. The empirical analysis shows a strong and robust empirical support for the two mechanisms.  相似文献   
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