首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   701篇
  免费   29篇
各国政治   51篇
工人农民   13篇
世界政治   40篇
外交国际关系   72篇
法律   146篇
中国共产党   29篇
中国政治   93篇
政治理论   158篇
综合类   128篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   7篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   35篇
  2019年   24篇
  2018年   30篇
  2017年   30篇
  2016年   37篇
  2015年   18篇
  2014年   57篇
  2013年   107篇
  2012年   48篇
  2011年   31篇
  2010年   38篇
  2009年   47篇
  2008年   29篇
  2007年   31篇
  2006年   32篇
  2005年   32篇
  2004年   19篇
  2003年   25篇
  2002年   18篇
  2001年   10篇
  2000年   10篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   1篇
排序方式: 共有730条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
The ‘character’ of democracy is regularly summarised using political‐institutional measures of, for instance, ‘consensus’ or ‘majoritarian’ democracy. Yet, there is little quantitative‐comparative research on the origins of such configurations. Drawing on literature on endogenous institutions and constitutional design, this article proposes a model for the explanation of empirical patterns of democracy. Using a novel database of 26 continental (neighbouring) European democracies and Bayesian spatial modelling, the results indicate that while today's empirical patterns of democracy in terms of proportional power diffusion can be traced back to waves of democratisation rather than historical partisan power configurations, decentral power diffusion can partially be explained by socio‐structural factors, and spatial dependencies exist for all variants of power diffusion.  相似文献   
212.
In this article it is argued that citizens take into account the degree of a government's political autonomy to implement particular policies when expressing their views on satisfaction with democracy (SWD) but, in order to do so, they need to perceive it. When citizens directly observe the external constraints that reduce their government's autonomy, then variations in levels of regime satisfaction may no longer be exclusively about government performance – as widely argued by political economists – but also about democratic choice. The argument develops after comparing the existing scenarios in the Eurozone before and after the Great Recession. Citizens only began to perceive their own lack of choice to decide between policy alternatives when the sovereign debt crisis broke out in May 2010, the date of the first Greek bail‐out. It is then when citizens started to update their beliefs about the functioning of democracy as a system in which alternative policies can be adopted as bail‐out deals were signed between national governments from the Euro periphery and the Troika. This updating process towards the way democracy works explains the increasing gap in the levels of SWD between bailed‐out economies and the rest of the countries in the Eurozone. Empirical confirmation for this claim is found after analysing Eurobarometer surveys from 2002 to 2014 and using a two‐step difference‐in‐difference analysis that combines individual and aggregate data.  相似文献   
213.
In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal recognition cannot bracket out the democratic element. It argues, first, that Equal Recognition does not live up to its initial promise, as it contains a number of reflections and recommendations (on language rights, on secession, on the rights of migrants’ cultures) that either explicitly or implicitly include the democratic element. Second, it points at other important areas of political decision-making – such as electoral system design, districting, referendums, quotas – in which it is quite clear that in order to extend equal recognition to minority cultures, we are obliged to take decisions related to the design of democratic institutions.  相似文献   
214.
Recognition from other recognized states is the key to becoming a fully fledged member state of the international system. Although many new states are quickly and universally recognized, the recognition of other aspiring states remains highly contested. In these cases of contested sovereignty, some countries but not others extend recognition. However, research on what shapes a country’s decision to recognize a claim to sovereign statehood remains relatively sparse. This article focuses on how religion shapes the incentives of states to extend or withhold recognition to aspiring states in cases of contested sovereignty. It posits two mechanisms, one at the domestic level through religious institutions and one at the international level through transnational religious affinities. The article uses new data on all state decisions regarding the international recognition of Kosovo to test these propositions. The results provide strong support for these two pathways through which religion shapes state decisions regarding international recognition.  相似文献   
215.
Citizens in Ghana have a host of options when it comes to local governance provision as a result of the government’s decentralization policies. We undertake to explore and understand how Ghanaians navigate the constellation of local institutions, both formal and traditional, to solve an array of common problems. A four-constituency survey was administered during the summer of 2009 and asked respondents about their experiences interacting with four formal institutions and one traditional institution. We find that formal institutions are by and large working effectively and are enhanced by the presence of a traditional institution. We consider the implications of our results with respect to both democratization and decentralization.  相似文献   
216.
向达 《行政与法》2021,(2):19-26
内生型治理是中国社会治理转型的必然要求,是共建共治共享社会治理新格局诉求下多元规范协同治理的必然路径,体现了"中国之治"的"中国经验"和"中国智慧".内生型治理具有历史性、发生学、实事求是、人民性等意涵,是中国特色社会主义理论和实践的伟大创新,是历史逻辑与实践逻辑的融合创新.在系统论、协同学及"技术-社会"视角的指引下...  相似文献   
217.
The ideal of evidence-based policy making (EBPM) may be hindered by delayed policy response to disclosed evidence. This article adopts Allison's three-lens decision-making framework to highlight technical, organizational, and political causes of delayed policy responses to apparent evidence. The study uses China's birth control policy as a case to examine the lag of policy adjustments. Although ample supply of evidence suggested earlier relaxation of China's one-child policy, major adjustments only happened after 2013 and failed to achieve significant results. The study indicates that a politics-informed EBPM approach may better position the role of evidence in policy processes by taking into consideration the unavoidable influences of institutions and politics.  相似文献   
218.
我国新型农村金融组织市场退出监管的制度建设尚处于探索初期,在实践运行中也暴露出诸多弊端。因此,在建设现代农村金融制度的背景下,对比总结村镇银行、小额贷款公司与资金互助社在经营管理和支农方式上的异同,并在此基础上进行差别化的市场退出监管制度设计,无疑对回应新世纪我国农村金融监管实践、完善新型农村金融组织法律制度具有重要的理论价值与现实意义。  相似文献   
219.
加快事业单位改革步伐,必须建立科学合理、灵活多样、运转协调、监督有力的运行机制。具体说来,要建立科学的分类管理机制、高效的公平竞争机制、有力的监督约束机制、健全的激励保障机制。  相似文献   
220.
由于城市土地所有权属于国家,具体的土地出让行为由地方政府及其职能部门来执行。在这种体制下政府及其职能部门具有土地经营者和管理者的双重身份,不同的身份有不同的价值趋向,这本身就是个矛盾,更何况权利与利益联系在一起就可能导致权力扭曲,文章主要对这种身份冲突所引起的问题和解决机制进行浅显的研究。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号