可行能力提升视域下我国城镇相对贫困的识别标准与治理路径

在新型城镇化与城镇结构转型深入推进的背景下,城镇相对贫困的隐患日渐显现。现阶段我国缓解城镇相对贫困面临识别标准缺失与治理体系缺位两大现实困境。基于阿玛蒂亚·森的可行能力理论,构建包含收入与福利维度的经济条件、政治权益、社会机会、防护性保障及透明性保证共15项指标的城镇多维相对贫困指标体系,旨在为精准识别我国城镇相对贫困群体提供标尺。以提升个体可行能力为主要内容的协同治理体系包括以下几个方面的内容:以国家为主导,提供提升个体可行能力的制度性保障;以个体为核心,培育个体的内生可行能力;以市场为媒介,提升重新赋予个体可行能力的效率;以社会为依托,拓宽提升个体可行能力的渠道。在消除绝对贫困的新时期,应据此形成缓解我国城镇相对贫困的治理路径。     

Electoral Institutions,Social Diversity and Fragmentation of Party Systems: A Reassessment

The article examines the determinants of party fragmentation based on electoral district data from the Swiss cantons (2010‐2015). In contrast to previous studies, three different dependent variables are taken into account: firstly, the raw number of parties, secondly, the effective number of parties based on vote shares and, thirdly, the effective number of legislative parties. On all three levels, the exclusion magnitude proves to be the most important factor. Compared to this, other institutional variables contribute little explanatory power. However, apparentments are relevant in the first stage of our analysis as they increase the raw number of parties standing for election. In terms of sociological factors, we only find limited relevance. Denominational and linguistic heterogeneity do not have any impact. This can be explained by the fact that linguistic heterogeneity is only weakly pronounced at district level. The finding emphasises the importance of district‐based data for the analysis of party system fragmentation in general.     

论副省级城市和省会城市党委的党内法规制定权

副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定试点,意味着党内法规制定权开始下移。虽然《关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见》对试点党内法规的制定权进行了限制,但其具体范畴尚待明晰。副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定权面临着与市级立法权的关系,以及与省级党内法规制定权限的划分两方面难题。确立地方专属党内法规制定权或采取辅助原则不符合党内法规体系的制度特征。市级党内法规与市级立法是横向关系,运用协同治理理论可确保党规与立法在地方层面的衔接协调;市级党内法规与省级党内法规是纵向关系,特别权力关系理论对市级党内法规的服从性与自主性提出了要求。     

Designing institutions to improve well-being: Participation,deliberation and institutionalisation

Social accountability institutions are at the forefront of democratic reformers’ efforts to improve well-being by harnessing the power of citizen participation. This article builds on recent research identifying a positive relationship between participatory budgeting (PB) and well-being. The article is the first large-N study to identify relationships between specific rules of PB programme design and well-being. A unique dataset of 114 Brazilian municipalities with PB programmes from 2009 to 2016 is constructed to evaluate whether internal mechanisms within PB explain variation in local infant mortality rates – an outcome associated with wellbeing. Hypotheses are tested that correspond to citizen participation, the scope of deliberation and embeddedness within local institutions. It is found that PB programmes are associated with lower infant mortality rates when they broaden participation, expand deliberation and embed the new institutions in ongoing policy-making venues. The results offer a framework for designing PB programmes and other social accountability institutions to maximise impact.     

Asia's competing multilateral initiatives: quality versus quantity

East Asia has many distinctive features that set it apart from other comparable regions, not least attitudes to regional development and cooperation. Despite a growing number of regional initiatives in East Asia, however, they are generally distinguished by their ineffectiveness. It is entirely possible that ‘institutional balancing’, like its more well-known power balancing counterpart, is designed not to facilitate but to prevent something from happening. The sort of ‘multilateralism 1.0’ developed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has a lot to answer for in this regard: having established its own pattern of institutional effectiveness ASEAN's ‘leadership’ has caused it to be replicated under the new wave of ‘multilateralism 2.0’. Consequently, I suggest that not only is China very comfortable with the idea of a rather feeble and ineffective institutional architecture, but the USA is also unlikely to do anything to change this picture, especially under a Trump administration that is highly skeptical about the efficacy of multilateral institutions at the best of times.     

网络知识产权协同保护机制之构建

随着互联网产业的飞速发展,我国网络知识产权纠纷日益频发,且引发诸多复杂问题。传统"司法+行政"的单向管制模式已无法适应网络知识产权保护的新形势,应运用协同治理理论,总结实践经验,构建全社会协同共治的网络知识产权保护机制,以适应新形势需要。     

How political malpractice affects trust in EU institutions

Abstract

Political misconduct is known to harm the politicians involved. Yet, we know less about how such events affect trust in political institutions. We study a real-world political malpractice affair in the European Commission, using a three-wave panel design to investigate how information about the affair influences trust in EU institutions. This enables us, first, to isolate the impact of new information on political trust, remedying endogeneity issues common in political trust research. Second, we assess which institutions are affected most (specificity) and whether effects depend upon citizens’ sophistication levels (conditionality). Finally, we assess the durability of effects over time. Our findings demonstrate that citizens obtain knowledge about EU affairs through the media, and use this knowledge in their trust evaluations. In doing so, citizens differentiate between EU and national institutions, with trust in the European Commission affected most. This suggests a sophisticated process and highlights the evaluative nature of political trust.     

探索建立内地与香港反腐败追逃追赃司法合作机制

党的十八大以来,反腐败高压态势日渐明显。涉嫌贪腐犯罪的嫌疑人企图利用香港天然的地域和经济优势转移资产,出逃国外。在这样的大背景下,构建内地与香港刑事司法合作机制迫在眉睫。发现双方目前合作存在的问题,总结成功经验,并最终上升到立法层面。发挥各方力量,积极推动内地与香港的反腐败合作,相信不久的将来双方可以形成更加强大的合力共同打击腐败犯罪。     

The Behavioral Effects of Environmental Regimes: Collective-Action vs. Social-Practice Models

International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Most observers agree that institutions play significant roles both in causing and in confronting large scale environmental...