日本金融监管体系的重建及启示

1998年以来,日本系统地重建了金融监管体系。其主要内容包括金融监管机构改革和提高金融监管效能,事前金融监管制度重建与提高金融机构经营健全性,事后金融安全网建设和防范系统性风险等三个方面。日本的经验表明,金融监管体制都具有时效性特征。将金融自由化与金融监管对立关系对立起来缺乏合理性,金融监管的作用是评估和检查金融机构的风险控制程序,而不是代替金融机构决策和进行风险控制。     

Evaluation of ninhydrin as a fingermark visualisation method – A comparison between different procedures as an outcome of the 2017 collaborative exercise of the ENFSI Fingerprint Working Group

In 2017 the Fingerprint Working Group (EFP-WG) of the European Network of Forensic Science Institutes (ENFSI) undertook a collaborative exercise (CE) with the aim of assessing the use of ninhydrin as a fingermark development technique in the laboratory. The test was prepared and managed by the officially established advisory group. The characteristics of the CE are summarised. The results indicate that ninhydrin is a robust methodology. Unexpected negative outcomes have been outlined and discussed, followed by an overview of the knowledge that has been gained.     

Voter reaction to legislator dissent across political systems

Research shows that legislators who dissent from the political line of their party are rewarded among constituents. This raises concerns about future party cohesiveness and, in turn, parties’ ability to govern and voters' ability to hold parties accountable. However, nearly all studies are conducted in single-member district systems, such as the United States and United Kingdom, which are generally considered most-likely settings for observing such effects. In this note, we conduct a country comparative study of voter reaction to legislator dissent across single-member and multi-member district systems (US, UK and Denmark). Building off existing theories, we argue that voters in multi-member districts also reward legislator dissent but that the reward is significantly weaker. We support this argument with observational and experimental data. Our results suggest that concerns regarding party governance and accountability associated with legislator party dissent extend to—but are less pertinent in—the more widespread multi-member district systems.     

Reforming sacred institutions,part II: the Soviet Party-State and the Roman Catholic Church compared

The Soviet Party-State and the Roman Catholic Church are conceptualized as hierocratic institutions that faced analogous challenges of adaptation to a changing world from the 1950s onward. Building upon an earlier publication in Post-Soviet Affairs, this article identifies four strategies of “selective inclusion” chosen by these institutions as their leaders sought to reduce the pre-1950s levels of sectarianism: hierocratic reformism; hierocratic managerialism; messianic revivalism; and anti-hierocratic radicalism. Parallels in the adoption of these strategies, and common features of a legitimacy crisis they both came to face, reveal the causal strength of common features, while possible differences in their institutional durability suggest the likely causal impact of differences between them.     

当前我国民营企业融资困难的分析以及解决出路思考

在世界金融危机、国内经济形势相当严峻的局面下,融资困难已成为中小民营企业发展的严重问题。要切实解决民营企业融资难的问题,仅仅靠政府、银行和企业某一方面的努力都是难以奏效的,必须通过社会各方面的共同努力和特殊的政策支持,从而创造和形成良好的融资环境：要以地方政府为主导营造金融生态环境,构建完善的投融资体系;加大和增强金融机构对民营企业的信贷支持和金融服务力度;民营企业本身也要通过管理创新和制度创新,建立起规范的现代企业制度,不断降低企业经营中的主观风险。     

Institutional dynamics in loosely coupled federal systems: The cases of Argentina and Venezuela

This article takes up recent work on path dependence and dynamism in federal systems. It argues that historical institutionalist suppositions derived from tightly coupled federations cannot be extended to loosely coupled federal systems, as are found in Latin America. Loose coupling means that interaction between actors and state levels is contentious and informal. Loosely coupled federations are less prone to path dependence and exhibit a strong propensity to institutional dynamics, especially after decentralization. In this article, the focus is on the relationship between party system and federal structure to show how the interaction between both components in the context of loose coupling can lead to swift shifts towards centralization or decentralization. By examining two cases, Argentina and Venezuela, the relevant mechanisms of institutional interaction are carved out and the resulting dynamics are reconstructed.     

党政合设、合署的历史演进、时代价值与实现路径——基于最佳性考量的视角

党政合设、合署的组织形式是我国党政机构改革的一项重要内容,也是一种具有中国特色的制度安排。从实践层面看,在其发展演进的历史脉络中,蕴含了追求效率的最佳性考量。但从理论层面看,传统的行政法理论尚不足以阐释党政合设、合署的实践。因此,从理论上也呼唤最佳性考量。将最佳性考量运用于党政合设、合署的实践具有鲜明的时代价值,有助于坚持党的领导,推进行政组织最佳设置;有助于贯彻党的意志,保证行政任务最佳履行;有助于落实党的宗旨,实现最佳行政法治建设。行政法在对党政合设、合署实践进行回应时需要运用最佳性考量,秉持中国立场,并贯彻于理论创新和制度完善,促进改革的推进。     

The contested nature of political leadership in the European Union: conceptual and methodological cross-fertilisation

Abstract

European leaders have struggled to find common responses to the polycrisis the EU is facing. This crisis of leadership makes it urgent that scholars provide a better understanding of the role and impact of leadership in EU politics and policy making. This article prepares the ground for a collection of contributions that addresses this need by strengthening old and building new bridges between the academic domains of European studies and leadership studies. It opens with a discussion of the contested concept of leadership in the context of the European polity and politics, challenging the conventional view that leadership is necessarily a matter of hierarchy. Moreover, it argues that rather than leaderless, the EU is an intensely ‘leaderful’ polity. Subsequently, this introduction identifies four key debates in contemporary EU leadership research and discusses the value and insights the contributions in this special issue bring to these debates.     

党政分工:新时代机构改革的深层逻辑

新时代机构改革是在推进国家治理现代化的大背景下而出现的一场深刻变革。基于机构改革经验和社会环境变化,新时代机构改革原则已转变为坚持党的全面领导、以人民为中心、优化协同高效和全面依法治国。在此指导下,新时代机构改革深刻揭示了党政分工的内在逻辑,一方面加强党管重大决策、纪检监察、干部人事、意识形态、统一战线职能,另一方面完善政府经济调节、市场监管、社会管理、公共服务、生态环境保护职能。沿着党政分工的基本路径,未来机构改革还应在增强党的领导力、提高政府执行力,统合“大部制”和“双合制”改革,科学配置党政部门内设机构权力和职责,推进国家组织法律和党内组织法规建设等方面下功夫。     

A community of practice: explaining change and continuity in ASEAN's diplomatic environment

Despite change in the aims, institutions and informal diplomacy of ASEAN since 1997, the formal diplomatic code of conduct remains locked in a traditionalist mode first outlined in the 1970s. Existing approaches from mainstream International Relations theorising are unable to adequately explain this continuity and change. The recent ‘practice turn’ in theorising offers distinct explanatory advantage, which this article illustrates by arguing that the formation of an ‘ASEAN rationality’ between 1967 and 1997 fundamentally curtailed the ability of regional diplomats to revise ASEAN post 1997, resulting in the coexistence of new and old norms in ASEAN's organisation design.