全文获取类型
收费全文 | 767篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 52篇 |
工人农民 | 13篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 90篇 |
法律 | 151篇 |
中国共产党 | 29篇 |
中国政治 | 93篇 |
政治理论 | 167篇 |
综合类 | 128篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 10篇 |
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 38篇 |
2019年 | 29篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 40篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 59篇 |
2013年 | 107篇 |
2012年 | 52篇 |
2011年 | 34篇 |
2010年 | 38篇 |
2009年 | 47篇 |
2008年 | 29篇 |
2007年 | 31篇 |
2006年 | 33篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 19篇 |
2003年 | 25篇 |
2002年 | 18篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有778条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
721.
人民法院对外委托鉴定中对鉴定机构和鉴定人的资质的审查确认十分重要.往往因鉴定资质审查的不及时或不仔细.而引起不小的麻烦。考虑知识产权类鉴定的代表性和特殊性。本文以知识产权鉴定委托为例。逐一阐述鉴定机构和鉴定人的资质确认中的依据及程序.以期对鉴定委托、审判实践和制度再设计等有所助益。 相似文献
722.
Frédéric Volpi 《Democratization》2015,22(2):276-293
This paper examines the trajectories of different Islamist trends in the light of the Arab uprisings. It proposes a distinction between statist and non-statist Islamism to help understand the multiplicity of interactions between Islamists and the state, particularly after 2011. It is outlined how statist Islamists (Islamist parties principally) can contribute to the stabilization and democratization of the state when their interactions with other social and political actors facilitate consensus building in national politics. By contrast when these interactions are conflictual, it has a detrimental impact on both the statist Islamists, and the possibility of democratic politics at the national level. Non statist-Islamists (from quietist salafi to armed jihadi) who prioritize the religious community over national politics are directly impacted by the interactions between statist Islamists and the state, and generally tend to benefit from the failure to build a consensus over democratic national politics. Far more than nationally-grounded statist Islamists, non-statist Islamists shape and are shaped by the regional dynamics on the Arab uprisings and the international and transnational relations between the different countries and conflict areas of the Middle East. The Arab uprisings and their aftermath reshaped pre-existing national and international dynamics of confrontation and collaboration between Islamists and the state, and between statist and non-statists Islamists, for better (Tunisia) and for worse (Egypt). 相似文献
723.
Jon Birger Skjærseth 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(2):167-190
Most pollution problems arise as by-products of domestic activity. The effectiveness of international environmental regimes thus depends on the operations of domestic political and administrative institutions. However, the study of regime effectiveness tends to overlook the operation of domestic institutions as well as the interests and preferences of sub-national non-state actors. In this article, a framework for combining the study of regime effectiveness with domestic institutions and actors is initially presented. The merits of this framework within the context of the North Sea regime is then explored. The article concludes that the effectiveness of this regime depends on the operation of both international and domestic institutions. Of particular importance are those sub-national actors actually causing the problem in the first place as well as domestic institutions influencing the behaviour of target groups. 相似文献
724.
Thomas Kestler 《Regional & Federal Studies》2018,28(5):617-644
This article takes up recent work on path dependence and dynamism in federal systems. It argues that historical institutionalist suppositions derived from tightly coupled federations cannot be extended to loosely coupled federal systems, as are found in Latin America. Loose coupling means that interaction between actors and state levels is contentious and informal. Loosely coupled federations are less prone to path dependence and exhibit a strong propensity to institutional dynamics, especially after decentralization. In this article, the focus is on the relationship between party system and federal structure to show how the interaction between both components in the context of loose coupling can lead to swift shifts towards centralization or decentralization. By examining two cases, Argentina and Venezuela, the relevant mechanisms of institutional interaction are carved out and the resulting dynamics are reconstructed. 相似文献
725.
Nils Aschhoff 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2018,41(4):284-296
This article discusses the various challenges that public organizations face resulting from collaboration with different types of actors. Building on studies from the public and private sector, the characteristics of collaboration between citizens and public organizations are discussed and measures to address these characteristics are proposed. Based on these findings, different dimensions of an organizational citizen-centered collaborative capacity are identified. The result of this study is a conceptualization of such a collaborative capacity, which includes the dimensions of structuring, motivating, applying, and assessing. It is further argued that the ability to motivate external participants is especially important for citizen-centered collaborative capacity. 相似文献
726.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(3):576-593
This article builds on the literature on trade negotiating constraints to advance a reconceptualization of Putnam's ( 1988 ) two‐level game that accounts for the possibility of detachment. Limited institutional capacities for collecting and transmitting information about the domestic win‐set may prevent domestic constituents from exerting influence on the negotiator. This perspective sheds new light on the outcomes of negotiations in two‐level games, as they do not necessarily reflect actual win‐sets, but more likely the negotiator's (mis)perceptions or (mis)representations thereof. The article builds on an explorative case study of the Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations between the EU and the West African (2003–14) and the Caribbean (2003–07) regions. It relies on qualitative data, including over 60 interviews. The findings demonstrate that detachment meant that these controversial North–South trade agreements primarily reflected the negotiators' perceptions of the regions' interests or their own preferences, which raises doubts about their developmental impact and complicates their implementation. 相似文献
727.
Burhan Can Karahasan;Mehmet Pinar; 《Journal of common market studies》2024,62(6):1712-1733
There has been a significant rise in anti-establishment votes in the European Union (EU). The decline in socio-economic outcomes and migration played an important role in understanding the rising discontent. However, none of the existing studies analysed the effect of socio-economic factors in different institutional settings. Our findings confirm that institutional quality is of paramount importance in explaining the recent rise in populism in the EU, as institutionally developed EU regions are less opposed to EU integration. Remarkably, the effects of socio-economic factors on populist votes vary in different institutional settings. The findings highlight that institutional improvements are vital for the EU perception of less developed and socio-economically isolated EU regions. 相似文献
728.
Erika J. van Elsas Anna Brosius Franziska Marquart Claes H. De Vreese 《West European politics》2020,43(4):944-968
AbstractPolitical misconduct is known to harm the politicians involved. Yet, we know less about how such events affect trust in political institutions. We study a real-world political malpractice affair in the European Commission, using a three-wave panel design to investigate how information about the affair influences trust in EU institutions. This enables us, first, to isolate the impact of new information on political trust, remedying endogeneity issues common in political trust research. Second, we assess which institutions are affected most (specificity) and whether effects depend upon citizens’ sophistication levels (conditionality). Finally, we assess the durability of effects over time. Our findings demonstrate that citizens obtain knowledge about EU affairs through the media, and use this knowledge in their trust evaluations. In doing so, citizens differentiate between EU and national institutions, with trust in the European Commission affected most. This suggests a sophisticated process and highlights the evaluative nature of political trust. 相似文献
729.
Research shows that legislators who dissent from the political line of their party are rewarded among constituents. This raises concerns about future party cohesiveness and, in turn, parties’ ability to govern and voters' ability to hold parties accountable. However, nearly all studies are conducted in single-member district systems, such as the United States and United Kingdom, which are generally considered most-likely settings for observing such effects. In this note, we conduct a country comparative study of voter reaction to legislator dissent across single-member and multi-member district systems (US, UK and Denmark). Building off existing theories, we argue that voters in multi-member districts also reward legislator dissent but that the reward is significantly weaker. We support this argument with observational and experimental data. Our results suggest that concerns regarding party governance and accountability associated with legislator party dissent extend to—but are less pertinent in—the more widespread multi-member district systems. 相似文献
730.