Reflections on the New Administration,One Year on

正The new Chinese leadership completes a full year in off ice in March.No two words sum up its signature policies better than"deepening reforms"–as reiterated by top leaders in multiple circumstances over the past year.Last November,the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee decided to comprehensively deepen reforms.The objective is to achieve decisive results by 2020 through reforms     

Why China Won't Suffer a “Debt Crisis”

正INACCURATE articles sometimes appear in the Western media claiming China faces a"severe debt crisis."Factually these are easily refuted.Changyong Rhee,the IMF’s Asia and Pacific Department director,recently pointed out that China’s national and local government debt is only 53 percent of GDP,while the U.S.government’s debt is roughly     

检察机关内设机构设置改革问题研究

检察机关内设机构,近十多年来一直是检察改革的研究热点。研究内设机构改革,应从归纳设置现状,分析其存在的问题入手,评析当下各种改革方案之优劣,通过探讨检察职权在检察机关内部的二次分解,研究设置应当遵循的六个原则。借鉴域外法治经验,按照内设机构设置三分模式改革,对于领导决策机构,重点是完善检察委员会的决策机制;对于综合管理机构,建议参考国家行政机关大部制改革模式,大幅压缩机构数量;对于业务办理机构,根据检察权分解,科学界定部门权限,按照诉讼规律适度整合职能,精简机构。     

Legitimacy and institutional purpose

ABSTRACT

Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state.     

Hands-off or Hands-on Governance for Public Innovation? A Comparative Case Study in the EU Cohesion Policy Implementation in Finland

ABSTRACT

Public innovation is increasingly strived for by involving non-state agents in policy implementation. Public governance theory has assumed the public administration better govern the activity hands-off by providing incentives and pressure. The theory-driven research agenda has, however, not sufficiently put the assumption to test. This paper compares two similar public innovation projects in employment management of which one was governed hands-off and the other hands-on. The cases reveal several problems with hands-off governance eventually risking innovation while hands-on governance consistently support innovation. Contrary to previous assumptions hands-off governance through competition in a complex environment confound the objective of the project. Hands-on governance, meanwhile, provide information and support that help the project to experiment and learn. The public governance theory should recognize the innovation potential of hands-on governance in the often complex public sector and be wary of mixing hands-off and hands-on governing techniques.     

Criminalizing human trafficking in Latvia: the evolution and implications of human trafficking policies

This article explores the development and evolution of human trafficking policies in Latvia and the measurable outcomes of these policies. An analysis of policy development revealed that Latvia has three different types of human trafficking policy: criminalization statutes, national action programs, and victim service provisions. These policies have produced outcomes such as criminal cases against traffickers, rehabilitation services for victims, and the formation of anti-trafficking institutions. The results revealed direct causal links between human trafficking policies and anti-trafficking institutions are evident with the National Coordinator and social services for victims. Indirect causation is also present with specialized police and prosecutor units and anti-trafficking institutional policy development by the anti-trafficking working group.     

National fingermark visualisation collaborative exercise 2020

In 2020, the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory organised and ran what is believed to be the first UK national collaborative exercise of its kind in the field of fingermark visualisation, on behalf of the Forensic Science Regulator. Laboratories were provided with a piece of wrapping paper, a challenging item for fingermark visualisation due to its semi-porous characteristics, both from a planning and processing perspective, and asked to treat it as a major crime exhibit. Due to the complexity of the substrate, variation in approach was anticipated. 23 laboratories from 21 organisations completed the exercise. In general, laboratories performed well, providing assurance to the Forensic Science Regulator regarding their ability to visualise fingermarks. Key learning points were identified around decision-making, planning and implementation of fingermark visualisation processes – all of which assist in raising the level of understanding around the likely success of fingermark visualisation. Lessons learnt, along with the overall findings, were shared and discussed in a workshop held in summer 2021. The exercise provided a useful insight into the current operational practices of participating laboratories. Areas of good practice were identified as well as the areas within the laboratories’ approach that could be altered or adapted.     

Does the economy really matter for satisfaction with democracy? Longitudinal and cross-country evidence from the European Union

Research focusing on the relationship between the economy and satisfaction with democracy often presents mixed results. This article argues that this uncertainty is mainly due to model specification, number of surveys and measurement. After discussing why the role of the economy should not be overlooked, by using an empirical strategy that applies Bayesian cross-classified mixed models to 572 national surveys in 28 European countries from 1973 to 2013 drawn from the Eurobarometer, it is shown that objective macro-economic indicators and a subjective indicator seem to substantially affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Europe. The findings are robust when controlling for various institutional and political variables and using alternative model specifications.     

Offensive for defensive: the belt and road initiative and China's new grand strategy

China's Belt and Road initiative came from the combined pressure of slowing down of Chinese economy, US pivot to Asia and deterioration of the relations with neighboring countries after weathering the storm of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. It also symbolizes a more proactive approach of Chinese new leader Xi Jinping in meeting the expectation on China's international obligation and leadership. Aimed to link Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania, the initiative provides tremendous opportunities of international economic cooperation. The paper argues that as China's contribution to international public goods, it is in the line of economic liberalism; as China's grand strategy, it is more of defensive than offensive by nature. Despite risks and uncertainties exist, the enforcement will boost China's influence and position in regional and international institutions. US should consider making more strategic space to the rising China, and a better coordinated China–US relations will make Asia Pacific a safer and more promising region.     

Public confidence in the judiciary: the interaction between political awareness and level of democracy

Apart from the studies that focus on public attitudes toward higher courts in advanced democracies, we know little about the factors that can explain public confidence in the judiciary in a comparative setting. In this regard, the goal of this study is to explain whether, and to what extent, the country's level of democracy moderates the impact of political awareness on public confidence in the judiciary. This study uses hierarchical linear models to analyse the interaction between individual and country level factors by using the World Values Survey (2005–2009) data for 49 countries and various other data sources. Our empirical results show that in advanced democracies political awareness variables like education and political participation have a positive impact on public confidence in the judiciary, whereas in countries with weak levels of democracy higher political awareness leads to increased cynicism about the judiciary. These results suggest that a one-size-fits-all approach to explain confidence in the judiciary is not possible when we are dealing with a wide range of societies that vary in terms of many characteristics, both institutional and cultural.