经济全球化环境中的动态创新组织

在以日益复杂化且变化迅速为特征的新的经济全球化环境中 ,企业的生命力和持续竞争优势将越来越多地依赖于更有效、更快速的动态创新能力 ,成长快速的公司和市场领导者的成就 ,往往不是来自于低成本的“收获战略” ,而是善用知识的力量执著于持续创新的事业。     

中国产业组织合理化道路探析

我国的产业整合是必须的,只有经过产业整合,才能建立一种合理的产业组织结构,进而提升我国产业的国际竞争力,最终在世界市场上占有一定份额,但这种整合必须符合实际,实现真正意义上的强强联合、优势互补、资源共享、共同发展。     

Revisiting China’s “peaceful rise”: Implications for India

This article explores the significance and relevance of the concept of China's peaceful rise and its implications for India. Though the concept suddenly lost its usage and was replaced by a more modest term, peaceful development, the basic tenets of the peaceful rise concept hold considerable relevance. Peaceful rise is a concept aimed at managing the consequences of China's rise as a great power. Essentially, while it reiterates China's foreign policy of peace and common development of all, it also indicates a paradigm shift in Chinese foreign policy. Since the essence of peaceful rise is to support a peaceful international order, the concept imparts a peaceful relationship between India and China.     

The political economy behind the gradual demise of democratic institutions in Serbia

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to accomplish two goals. First, to present recent empirical evidence supporting the claim that Serbia is on the path towards embracing a more radical version of electoral authoritarianism. This is accomplished by examining most recent illiberal politics aimed at controlling electoral processes and the media sphere, and extracting public funds for partisan purposes. I claim that the incomplete design of democratic institutions in Serbia set up between 2001 and 2012 is primarily responsible for the democratic decline. The second goal is more general and aims to emphasize the importance of extracting public funds for hybrid regimes. Extractive institutions matter because they directly impact other critical segments of electoral authoritarianism (notably, elections and media freedom), but also because they explain the type of leadership they promote in politics. If public resources remain without proper institutional oversight and are simply ‘up for grabs,’ this will attract leaders more willing to dismantle democratic institutions and violate democratic procedures. Serbia serves as a good and current example of this linkage.     

加入WTO与我国经济发展中必须正确处理的几个关系--铭记东南亚金融危机的深刻教训

在加入WTO的新形式下 ,为更好地贯彻落实党的十六大明确提出的走新型工业化道路的重要方针 ,牢记东南亚金融危机的深刻教训 ,正确处理我国经济发展中的对外融资、产业结构调整以及政府、银行和企业关系等问题 ,对外融资必须处理好直接投资和短期融资的比例关系 ,增强国际竞争力必须处理好“产业升级换代”和“比较优势”的两重性关系 ,坚持“东亚模式” ,必须处理好政府、银行和企业的三角关系     

试论企业培训机构的核心竞争力

企业培训机构的核心竞争力是其不同于其他培训机构的独具特色的培训优势与能力.打造企业培训机构的核心竞争力,要解决培训资源、管理理念、特色专业、师资队伍以及拓展为企业服务领域等一系列相应的技术性问题.     

毛泽东游击战思想对中小企业竞争战略的启示

在土地革命和抗日战争时期,毛泽东领导的人民军队面对比自己强大的敌人,创造性地开展卓有成效的游击战争,在艰难的环境中生存下来并最终赢得胜利。在此过程中,以毛泽东为首的中国共产党人形成了丰富的游击战理论,这些理论对于今天在市场竞争中处于劣势地位的中小企业来说,在竞争战略选择上具有重要的启示。     

面向新世纪,发展中国特色的企业文化

经济全球化、世界多极化和科学技术的日新月异以及我国加入WTO后国际竞争的日趋激烈 ,使我国的企业面临增强核心竞争力的课题 ,而发展中国特色的企业文化是解决这一课题的关键。基于此 ,本文就我国企业文化的现状 ,发展中国特色企业文化的意义和发展策略进行了论述。     

Subnational political regimes and formal economic regulation: Evidence from Russian regions

The paper contributes to the studies of effects of political regimes on public policies by looking at a previously unexplored aspect of this issue: the propensity of political regimes to create vast and extensive formal regulation. To study this topic, it applies subnational comparative method and uses a dataset of subnational regions of Russia, which provides a unique opportunity for a large-N investigation of the research question because of substantial variation of regional political regimes and regulatory environments and because of availability of a proxy for comparing the use of formal regulation across regions. The paper shows that more competitive regimes are more likely to expand the formal law than less competitive ones; however, the implications of this expansion of formal law for the economy are ambiguous.     

Soft competitive authoritarianism and negative stability in Kosovo: statebuilding from UNMIK to EULEX and beyond

ABSTRACT

After 1999, democratization, normalization and Europeanization were the key processes through which Kosovo’s final political status was expected to take shape. All three processes, however, were guided by the stability paradigm. Though Kosovo cannot be categorized as a typical authoritarian state, its political leaders have openly displayed illiberal tendencies, governing in an unaccountable manner and utilizing public assets for their private gain. In the period from 1999 to 2008, while UNMIK’s approach was based on maintaining stability instead of democratization, a soft competitive authoritarianism began to emerge incrementally. In its first decade of independence, Kosovo’s statehood remained internationally disputed, whereas its governance culture was characterized by a lack of internal accountability, which is a key component of the soft competitive authoritarianism in the country. Thus, the negative trajectory of political developments did not change even after the deployment of EULEX and the 2008 declaration of independence. This article analyses the development of authoritarian and illiberal tendencies in Kosovo and suggests that the democratization and Europeanization discourses served to conceal soft competitive authoritarian practices in Kosovo.