走“平民仁道”还是“精英霸道”——现代民主法治视野下犯罪构成理论的理性选择

犯罪构成四要件说和德日犯罪三阶层论的学术对垒已成为目前我国刑法学界的主要争鸣态势。刑事审判的民主性决定了犯罪构成理论应具有通俗化、大众化的特性。我国犯罪构成四要件说深入浅出,通俗易懂,体现了民主法治的精神。德日犯罪成立理论有着复杂深奥、晦涩难懂的品性,广大民众对这一理论难以理解,是一种与现代民主法治相违背的理论。现代民主法治呼唤大众化、平民化的犯罪构成理论。     

毛泽东廉政思想的内容、特点及启示

毛泽东廉政思想是毛泽东思想的重要组成部分。毛泽东从分析官僚主义和腐败产生的原因入手,充分认识到廉政建设的重要性,提出从思想教育、作风建设、民主监督机制、法律法规建设四个方面加强廉政建设。这一思想具有鲜明的民族性、人民性和方法上的灵活性,仍是今天我们党进行廉政建设的重要指导思想。     

论两个“民主集中制”及二者的关系

中国共产党的党建理论中的“民主集中制”概念有两个层面的含义,一个是作为组织原则、组织制度的民主集中制,一个是作为领导方法、工作方法的民主集中制,前者是后者的前提和基础,后者是前者的补充和延伸,二者相辅相成,相得益彰;前者是俄国共产党人列宁的创造,后者是中国共产党人的贡献。     

协商合作：农村基层社会管理创新的趋向和选择——浙江温岭案例启示

温岭协商合作式治理实践,是我国农村基层社会管理创新的一种有益探索。协商合作式治理模式有助于优化乡村治理格局,构建协商合作式模式既是乡村治理的未来趋向也是推动乡村发展的理性选择。构建协商合作式治理模式,需要注意六大因素：明晰乡村公共生活主体的权力来源及其彼此边界;主体多元;以合作代替冲突,以协商代替竞争;职能互补;参与方式力求多样;在互动中实现共识。     

当前党员领导干部贯彻民主集中制情况的调查与思考

通过问卷调查了解目前北京市局处级领导干部贯彻民主集中制的经验及存在的不足,对今后贯彻民主集中制提出可行性的对策建议。     

Does local ownership enhance legitimacy and democratic governance in peacebuilding? The case of diasporas

ABSTRACT

In contemporary peacebuilding debates, it is argued that local ownership renders peacebuilding more sustainable, democratic and legitimate. However, these claims have not been seriously interrogated as to their empirical validity. Such evaluations must begin by answering the question, ‘Who is local?’ Different local actors have varying resources, capacities and levels of authority and autonomy. Taking the relatively unexplored case of diasporas, this paper illustrates the absence of a straightforward relationship between ownership and its normative benefits. By assessing the significance of resources like local/ethnic bonds, financial and social remittances, this paper argues that diasporas can undermine the legitimacy of peacebuilding. Furthermore, although diasporas can enhance the prospects for democratic governance, the causal mechanisms can be corrupted.     

Politics-as-usual on trial: regional anti-corruption campaigns in Indonesia

Abstract

This article explores to what extent to local pro-reform actors matter in Indonesia through the prism of anti-corruption campaigns in the country's regions. I argue that the rash of anti-corruption campaigns and related trials involving legislative members, especially from mid-2004 onward, can be attributed neither to the resources lavished on anti-corruption organizations based in Jakarta, nor to the popularity of President Yudhoyono's anti-corruption rhetoric. Instead, it can be traced to a particular anti-corruption campaign that began in earnest in 2002 in Padang, West Sumatra. Using a multi-dimensional approach, a small group of activists relentlessly pursued their newly elected provincial legislators to be accountable to their democratic mandates and as important, to respect the rule of law pursuant to new national anti-corruption legislation. The guilty verdicts of May 2004 galvanized similar groups across the country to investigate their respective legislative bodies. This exemplary case of societal accountability also demonstrated the leverage activists can gain over local politicians when they forge coalitions with other elite actors, especially those in Jakarta. I further explore two anti-corruption cases in the province of West Kalimantan to place post-Padang developments in their proper perspective. If hopes were raised that regional anti-corruption movements–based on the Padang model–might accomplish more than sensational trials but help consolidate democracy at the regional level by holding elected officials accountable, these two examples show how fleeting these expectations might be. The trials that took place but which produced no convictions resulted from the fallout of local political tussles, and not from local civil society organizations galvanized by the ideals of transparency and good governance.     

Philosophy,Social Hope and Democratic Criticism: Critical Theory for a Global Age

Abstract

The attempt to connect philosophy and social hope has been one of the key distinguishing features of critical theory as a tradition of enquiry. This connection has been questioned forcefully from the perspective of a post-philosophical pragmatism, as articulated by Rorty. In this article I consider two strategies that have been adopted by critical theorists in seeking to reject Rorty's suggestion that we should abandon the attempt to ground social hope in philosophical reason. We consider argumentative strategies of the philosophical anthropologist and of the rational proceduralist. Once the exchanges between Rorty and these two strands of critical theory have been reconstructed and assessed, an alternative perspective emerges. It is argued that philosophical reasoning best helps to sustain social hope in a rapidly changing world when we consider it in terms of the practice of democratic criticism.     

浅析公民参与和公共管理的实现

公民参与是公民试图影响公共政策和公共生活的一切活动。它是现代公共管理不可或缺的重要环节,是促使公共部门实现其公共责任和良好治理的一个重要手段。广泛的公民参与是国家民主政治建设的重要内容,也是公共政策制定的基石。因此,要采取一些积极的措施,为公民参与扫清障碍,拓宽公民参与的途径。     

African Renaissance: The need for gender-inclusive developmental states

ABSTRACT

This article was developed from a paper presented at a seminar at the Africa Institute of South Africa in Pretoria in 2006 while the author was an Archie Mafeje Fellow. It argues the urgent need for the construction and consolidation of gender-inclusive democratic developmental states as central to grounding the concept of an African Renaissance, for an effective transformation of the human condition, and for ensuring that this renaissance does not become romanticised and meaningless. While the notion of developmental states has gained currency in recent years, very little, if at all, has been said about gender in relation to these debates – despite the United Nations warning that ‘without engendering development, development itself is endangered.’ In other words, formulating and implementing development policies with gender lenses are crucial for development.