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101.
How and under what conditions do authoritarian rulers use the state apparatus to help ensure victory? To answer this question, this paper examines electoral mobilization as a rationale for the appointment of governors in hybrid regimes. Given their absolute authority to use administrative resources, autocratic rulers prefer governors who can perform well in mobilizing the electorate in their favor. However, several circumstances make this strategy suboptimal or impossible. To provide empirical evidence supporting this argument, this study conducts a survival analysis using an original dataset of gubernatorial appointments and dismissals in Ukraine from 1996 to 2017. The results confirm that electoral performance was the primary driver of governor appointments during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. In addition, it is demonstrated that various institutional conditions, such as party strength, the weak authority of the ruler within the central government, and regional polarization resulted in the adoption of different appointment strategies by subsequent presidents.  相似文献   
102.
Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types.  相似文献   
103.
This article focuses on the transnational project, led by Turkish Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association (Müsiad), of crafting a community of Islamic businessmen. The Arab Springs opened new opportunities to further this project, especially in Tunisia and Egypt where Islamist groups rose to power after 2011. In both countries, Müsiad supported the creation of two Islamic business associations, exporting its own organizational model. Examining this circulation process, we question the classical dichotomy between economic and advocacy transnational networks. We also show how this transnational activism is constrained by divergent domestic patterns of relationships between Islamists, business and states in each country.  相似文献   
104.
How genuine is the Conservative party's rediscovery of the environment? Would a Conservative government led by David Cameron implement a wide‐ranging and progressive environmental policy? This article explores why Cameron has embraced the environment so enthusiastically when Conservative governments have had a poor record of environmental protection and the Conservative party has traditionally shown little interest in the issue. It assesses the impact of Cameron's strategy both on his own party and on the wider world of environmental politics and it evaluates the continuing commitment of the Conservatives to the issue by assessing what kind of policies a future Conservative government might implement. Although Cameron remains committed to the issue and he has already had a positive impact on Labour government policy, he has not yet convinced his party or its supporters, so a future Conservative government would probably represent continuity rather than significant change in environmental policy.  相似文献   
105.
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent.  相似文献   
106.
郑青 《学理论》2009,(6):8-10
利益政治的应然效能就是实现利益的和谐发展,但在实然层面,利益和谐往往被认为可欲而不可求,原因在于利益政治会出现失效,本文着力于此,希望清楚解读这一问题,以便为深入实践研究提供理论支撑。  相似文献   
107.
论和谐侦查的语境   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
和谐侦查是指权力机关在办理案件过程中,依照法律和社会许容度进行的专门调查工作和有关的强制性措施。侦查语境指的是侦查存在和运行的外部环境。和谐侦查的实现应以相关语境为依托,汲取语境的合理内核,相辅相成。其现实语境应涵盖以人为本的政治语境,正义实现的法律语境,探求真实的哲学语境。和谐侦查的构建没有现成的经验可供借鉴,因此,侦查所应有的各项理性规则与程序,侦查所面临的评价标准等等,仍待进一步实践和探索。  相似文献   
108.
美国学者凯特·米利特(Kate Millet)在她的著作《性别政治》一书中第一次明确地提出了性别政治的概念。米利特指出两性关系是一种统治与被统治的关系,即男性统治女性。这种权力结构长期以来被视为是理所当然的。《克丽丝德蓓》是英国浪漫主义时期诗人柯尔律治的三部代表作之一,长期以来在学术研究方面较少得到关注。《克丽丝德蓓》与作者其他两部代表作最明显的差异在于把历经磨难的主人公设定为一位柔弱少女。本文试图从男性作者视角的天使与魔鬼,男性力量的操纵与拯救和男性心理的公平与偏见等方面,阐释柯尔律治《克丽丝德蓓》中体现出的性别政治。  相似文献   
109.
Guide to Authors     
正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on  相似文献   
110.
This article focuses on two groups of Southern Cone exiles' communities, Chileans and Argentineans, choosing to settle down in an atypical destination: the United States. After estimating some qualitative and quantitative findings, the article delves into the ways these communities settle down, remember their relationship with politics, maintain their connection with exiled fellow‐countrymen worldwide and perceive their national identity. By relying on an empirical, single‐case perspective, with no theoretical ambitions to extrapolate its conclusions to other contexts, this article examines the extent to which the conceptualisation of the exile and diaspora categories changes when applied to these two communities.  相似文献   
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