公安学员综合能力特征评析系统研究

公安学员综合能力特征评析系统是公安高等职业院校素质教育的重要组成部分。传统的公安学员评价基本上是知识本位的评价,虽然这种评价方便、简单、易行,却忽略了对学员综合能力的评价。公安高等职业教育的重要特色在于强化学员综合能力的培养,要把学员的综合能力培养作为素质教育的核心,并采取措施构建公安学员综合能力特征评析系统。     

中国传统社会政治规范中的和谐元素

追求和谐、崇尚和美是中国传统文化的核心和要义。中国传统社会政治规范中的和谐思想有很多。“德”沟通“天”与“人”,同时,在人与人之间、社会各阶层之间充当着黏合剂的角色,可以说其周身散发着“和谐”元素的气息;“礼”从调整血缘亲属的关系入手强调“分”、“别”、“异”,目的仍在“和”;“天下为公”的大同理想蕴含了大量的“公有”、“公平”、“平等”、“平均”等和谐元素;仁是儒家推行“仁政”的基础,作为一种政治主张,其价值取向就是社会和谐;中庸主义体现了求和谐、求适时、求合宜、求稳定的思维方法和行为方法。     

The Other Side of the Coin: Reading the Politics of the 2008 Financial Tsunami

In the spring of 2009, long months after the September 2008 financial tsunami had begun its destructive journey around the financial machineries of the global system, the governing party of the United Kingdom, one of two countries whose financial centres had precipitated all the trouble, is still in place, notwithstanding the almost audible sound of a population tapping its collective foot as it awaits an electoral opportunity to wreak a measure of revenge. But the electorate is condemned to wait upon the convenience of the government and administrative machineries that are responsible for the debacle. This seems unreasonable. One might ask how is this possible and what—speculatively—could happen to improve matters; that is, one can ask how the elite's insulating machineries might be reduced in order to bring them more routinely within the reach of the judgements of the electorate.     

加强各民主党派参政议政机制建设问题探讨

民主党派参政议政是中国共产党领导下的多党合作和政治协商制度的重要组成部分,民主党派参政议政机制建设的薄弱是妨碍民主党派参政议政的主要问题。机制建设应从四个方面着手:一是建立和健全话语表达机制,保证信息渠道;二是建立和完善参政议政联动机制,实现整体效能发挥;三是建立健全参政议政与重大决策相统一的机制,反映民主党派的利益诉求;四是建立和完善学习机制,构建学习型民主党派的党组织,培养参政议政的能力。     

革命动员视角下的苏区民主政治建设

土地革命战争时期,中国共产党在各苏维埃区域进行了声势浩大的民主政治建设。在这一建设中,中华苏维埃共和国临时中央政府不仅从制度上和程序上进行了有利于工农群众享有民主的设计,而且从宪法和其他法律上对苏区群众的各项民主权利给予充分的保障,希望藉此来建设一个有利于革命动员的政治新秩序。广泛的民主政治建设,不仅满足了残酷战争环境下革命动员的需要,而且促使苏区民众的精神面貌产生了质的变化,并逐渐形成了执政为民、廉洁奉公、民主平等以及无私奉献等苏区人所特有的精神气质。     

在细小处把握 筑牢廉政之基

加强监督永远是防止腐败最有效的方式之一,缺失监督必然导致腐败,建立健全全方位的监督体系,完善安全生产执法监管权力制衡和群众参与的监督制约机制,防止权力滥用,做到见微知著,从小事上洞察大问题,不让小瑕疵长成大毒瘤。     

廉洁城市:反腐倡廉建设目标的一个重要层次

建设廉洁城市的理念与实践是我国反腐倡廉建设取得的新突破,值得肯定。在廉洁城市成为诸多城市决策者设定的重要目标的同时,还应看到廉洁城市建设只是反腐倡廉建设目标的一个重要层次,不可能建成"廉洁孤岛"。廉洁城市建设必然受制于必要的外部法制条件,需要在廉洁政治的顶层目标下,形成廉洁城市促进廉洁政治建设、廉洁政治带动廉洁城市建设的良性互动机制和环境氛围。     

基于合法律性的合法性——从韦伯到哈贝马斯

韦伯具有强烈的民族主义情结,这种情结使他尤为强调学术的文化政治担当,亦使其具有学者和"群众性政治家"双重身份。作为学者,他对现代社会"基于合法律性的合法性"(法理型统治)模式进行了详尽分析;作为群众性政治家,他又明确提出了"领袖民主"(卡理斯玛型统治)合法化模式。这两种理论模式均具有政治现实主义和实证论倾向。哈贝马斯总体上拒绝了韦伯合法化模式的描述性路径,并极力批判了其领袖民主模式;但他亦将其合法化论说建基于韦伯式基于合法律性的合法性模式之上,并做出了可以容纳道德性内容的理论重构。     

Disrupting the South African parliament: performing opposition 1994–2010

The article focuses on the most common form of institutionally punished disruption seen in South Africa's National Assembly since 1994: orders for individual MPs to withdraw from the chamber. The shifting dynamics of such “set-piece” dramatizations of opposition and their relationship with the established analyses of political opposition in post-apartheid South Africa, especially “dominant party democracy” theory are explored. There have been two main styles of disruptive performance in the National Assembly since 1994. Firstly, performances of perceived political marginalization, and secondly, performances that paradoxically lay claim to uphold parliamentary democracy through rule-breaking, which are termed performances of procedure-as-democracy. The article examines how opposition politicians have justified disruption and unpicks the symbolism of prominent incidents. The focus is upon the performance of disruption and its performative aspects, particular the articulation of race and gender. It is argued that performances of procedure-as-democracy are actually one of the principal means by which opposition political parties perform narratives of ANC dominance and as such require much more attention and critical engagement from political scholars interested in dominant party democracy.     

International terrorism? Indian popular cinema and the politics of terror

The first decade of the twenty-first century has been marked by the decisive entry into our media landscape of the so-called global war on terror, with countless films and TV series from all over the world addressing the issue of international terrorism. Even Indian popular cinema, which has been addressing the issue of domestic terrorism since the late 1980s with films such as Roja (Ratnam, 1992), Drohkaal (Nihalani, 1994), Maachis (Gulzar, 1996), has, since the new millennium, begun to tackle the topic of international terrorism. In this article, I will analyse the shift in the construction of the terrorist discourse in Indian popular cinema from a domestic to an international perspective in order to highlight the close proximity between the two, as in fact, the “global war on terror” narrative seems to offer Indian filmmakers the possibility to simultaneously address international and domestic terrorism. In particular, I will refer to Karan Johar’s film My Name Is Khan as a text which, while discussing the consequences of the American war on terror on its minorities, problematises the official discourse on terrorism and its neo-Orientalist character. It also draws a parallel between the situation of minorities in the United States and India. In so doing, the film triggers a reflection on the state of the Indian nation and questions the state of the secularist values of newly independent India after decades of communal violence.