论思想政治工作的主动性

面对新形势的机遇与挑战，必须加强思想政治工作的主劝性。当前，在思想政治工作中，仍然存在滞后性、短期性、单一化、低格调、等待观望等问题。加强和改进思想政治工作，必须进一步更新观念，在主动性上下功夫。     

党的第三代领导集体对邓小平反腐倡廉思想的发展和创新

以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体,在领导我国人民不断推进有中国特色社会主义建设的伟大事业中,集中全党智慧,对反腐败斗争的重大意义作了新思考,对反腐败斗争的长期性艰巨性作了新分析,对反腐败斗争的方针原则进行了新探索,从而以新的理论贡献丰富和发展了邓小平的反腐倡廉思想。     

建设政治文明首先要发展党内民主

建设政治文明,其实质和主要途径是建设民主政治。作为以人民群众当家作主为本质的民主政治的发展,有赖于政治体制的完善。在政治体制改革中,改革和完善党的领导,对推进民主政治建设具有全局性作用,因此,必须改革和完善党的有关制度,大力发展党内民主,保证党的政治生活的民主化,以发挥对人民民主的示范和带动作用。     

Electoral Gender Quotas: Lessons from Argentina and Chile

This comparative case study examines the role of electoral quotas for increasing women's representation in Argentina and Chile. The Central hypothesis is that gender quotas in favourable electoral systems increase women's representation, and a corollary hypothesis is that more women in politics should also promote gender issues in public policy. Since the transitions to democratic regimes, many Argentine and Chilean women still promote gender issues, such as gender quotas, but the different transitions shaped the opportunity space for gender issues in politics. Thus, gender quotas can be effective, but the types of electoral and quota systems are important defining conditions and improvements in gender issues are not guaranteed.     

关于社会主义政治文明建设的理论探析

党的十六大第一次明确地对建设社会主义政治文明做出部署,并将它与物质文明、精神文明一起确定为社会主义现代化建设的三大目标,这是对马克思主义理论的创新与发展,也丰富和深化了我们对中国特色社会主义的认识。     

当代世界政治格局与中国文化

当今世界,政治多极化已成为发展的必然趋势。在政治对抗过程中,文化扮演着极为重要的角色。中国作为一个发展中的社会主义大国,要在对抗中保持中国文化个性,抵制强国文化霸权的侵略,必须大力弘扬和培育民族精神,积极参与全球化,大力发展文化产业,积极推进文化创新,以维护我国的文化安全。     

浅议我国社会主义政治文明的本质特征

社会主义政治文明本质上是人民民主的政治文明。党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的统一性 ,是我国社会主义民主政治最根本的特征 ,也是社会主义政治文明的本质特征     

冷战后的中国—东盟关系探析:身份政治的视角

冷战结束后,中国—东盟关系得到了极大的改善和发展。冷战后东亚地区认知结构的变化及中国对东盟规范的内化使中国有了新的身份定位,在这种身份定位指导下的国际实践加深了东盟对中国新身份的重构和认同。中国身份定位的温和与理性及中国自我利益的不断扩大是导致东盟认同中国新身份的重要因素。身份政治理论在给我们提供新视角的同时,其学理性还需要进一步完善,以便更好地解释和指导国际实践。     

Bridging the ideological space: A cross‐national analysis of the distance of party switching

Scholars have investigated the characteristics of volatile voters ever since the first voter surveys were carried out and they have paid specific attention to the role of political sophistication on vote switching. Nevertheless, the exact nature of this relationship is still unclear. With increasing volatility over the past decades this question has furthermore grown in relevance. Is the growing unpredictability of elections mostly driven by sophisticated voters making well‐considered choices or is the balance of power in the hands of unsophisticated ‘floating voters’? Several scholars have argued that even under conditions of increasing volatility switching is still mostly confined to changes to ideologically close parties. Most researchers, however, have used rather crude measures to investigate this ‘leap’ between parties. To advance research in this field, this article directly models the ideological distance bridged by volatile voters when investigating the link between political sophistication and volatility. This is done using Comparative Study of Electoral systems (CSES) data that encompass a broad sample of recent parliamentary elections worldwide. Results indicate that voters with an intermediate level of political knowledge are most likely to switch overall. When taking into account the ideological distance of party switching, however, the confining impact of political knowledge on the vote choices made is clearly dominant, resulting in a linear decrease of the distance bridged as voters become more knowledgeable.     

Truth and Politics: Thinking About Evidence‐Based Policy in the Age Of Spin

Evidence‐based policy and the contemporary politics of spin are said to characterise contemporary politics and policy. The paper asks firstly what sense is to be made of this coincidence, and then documents this coincidence. It then asks how credible is the conception of ‘evidence’ espoused by advocates of evidence‐based policy when it is conventionally represented as an ‘objective’ counter to ideology, spin or opinion? It points to major problems with the conventional understandings of ‘evidence’. It is suggested that while the evidence‐based policy literature relies on the associations ‘evidence’ is presumed to have with ‘sensory data’, this is neither the case nor all that defensible. The paper reprises arguments advanced by Henry Mayer and Hannah Arendt that the relationship of politics to the empirical was and is a far more complex relationship than is conventionally understood to be the case.