外交也是生产力

人类发展的根本动力,源自生产力的发展与进步。长久以来,中外学术界对生产力要素、规律和作用的研究从未间断。其中,马克思主义生产力理论对推动人类社会进步,起到了独特和重要的作用,它不断发展和创新。马克思主义发现,伴随生产力的进步和生产方式的变化,生产力附加要素增多且日趋复杂。中国共产党人继承和发展了马克思主义生产力理论,根据中国国情和中华民族根本利益,解放和发展了中国的社会生产力,努力使之成为世界民族之林中较为先进的生产力。中国共产党的领袖们探索了先进生产力的要素构成,以及它的实现条件。这种探索基于中国人民创造自己历史的伟大实践,并对探索成果加以印证,包括印证"外交也是生产力"。中国外交是中国先进生产力的组成部分,体现中国先进生产力的发展要求。     

气候变化对我国经济、社会和可持续发展的挑战

气候变化问题已经成为人类社会和各国政府及民众关注的焦点问题之一。气候变化给我国的经济、社会和可持续发展也带来了挑战。如何客观地认识当前以全球变暖为主要特征的气候变化,以及它所产生的诸多方面的影响和我们应当如何面对气候变化及其影响?本文表达了当代气象科学家的最新观点,并且对中国政府及民众应采取的措施提出了建议。     

“冷战”时期之禁毒与美国外交取舍

"冷战"时期,以美国为代表的西方社会,以联合国为舞台,借助新闻媒介之手,曾经展开过一场禁毒遏共外交活动。这既是当时特殊的"冷战"背景下美国遏制与孤立新中国的产物,更是美国对外政策实施过程中以话语权优势制衡对手的惯有手法,而由此助长了东南亚"金三角"毒品源地的坐大,则显然是以意识形态为标尺的"冷战"背景下禁毒外交取舍不当之"苦果"。唯有摒弃意识形态领域的偏见,保持禁毒的初衷不变,国际禁毒事业方能得以长足发展。     

2010年韩国外交综述

过去的2010年,韩国政府在巩固＂新亚洲外交＂成果的基础上,努力应对朝鲜半岛的紧张局势,以举办G20峰会为契机,加强韩美同盟、积极开展经济外交,推动FTA战略的实施,拓展与其他国家的交流合作,促进经济的较快发展。本文旨在探讨韩国政府过去一年的外交政策,对其外交的主要特点进行阐述和分析。     

建国初期毛泽东的政党外交思想探析

作为建国后中国共产党的第一代领导核心，毛泽东为政党外交进行了积极探索，形成了独立自主的政党外交思想。毛泽东直接参与了我国对外政策的制定，他从我国总体外交目标出发，总揽全局，统筹安排，对党的对外工作予以高度重视。毛泽东的政党外交思想集中回答了战后国际形势、国际关系、国际共运和新中国外交所面临的许多重大问题，有力地指导了当时我国的整个政党外交工作。继承并发展毛泽东政党外交思想，对如何开展当下我国的政党外交工作是十分必要的。     

Monitoring the rise of a radical force: the British Embassy in Athens and the Ascent of the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 1974–1981*

The article deals with perceptions, conceptions and policy implementation of British diplomacy towards the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) from its formation in 1974 until its first rise into power in 1981. PASOK, a political movement that was to dominate Greek politics for more than twenty years, entered the Greek political scene as a new, radical force that threatened Western values and interests and aspired to reshape the international orientation of the country, in a period of high Cold War tensions. It will be shown that British diplomacy, despite its opposition to PASOK, was forced by political realities to modify its policy significantly, in order to accommodate PASOK and preserve its interests in a country that was considered as a vital ally of the Western world.     

中国东盟自由贸易区谈判与运作：艰巨性初探

本文从主客观两个方面分析并预测中国东盟自由贸易区谈判与运作的艰巨性与曲折性。文章认为,阻滞10+1谈判与运作的因素主要缘于自由贸易区的参与主体在政治体制与意识形态、经济发展水平与发展机制、生产力要素等方面所存在的巨大差异,以及错综复杂的区域内国际关系。文章还认为,由中国政府率先提出的在2010年建成中国东盟自由贸易区的主要目的是在21世纪新的国际政治经济条件下,实现中国与周边邻国更为密切的“睦邻”关系。为实现10+1对中国政治意义的最大化,文章对规避10+1运作的负面影响提出了一系列建议。     

Uzbekistan's diplomacy in the modern international relations system

The article is dedicated to the issue of Uzbekistan's diplomacy in the 21st century. It shows the evolutional path of Uzbek diplomacy that plays an important role in pursuing national interests on the global scale in the framework of foreign policy. Article shows that Uzbekistan has clearly defined foreign policy priorities; it will follow in the foreseeable future. Such aspects as more active participation in the multilateral cooperation and at the same time retaining healthy pragmatism as a result of pursuing bilateral relations both with neighboring countries and great powers are also underlined. The main advantage and novelty of the article are that the author provides clear‐cut periodization of Uzbekistan's diplomacy—a feature that has never been met in any of Uzbek or foreign researches. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Sub-state diplomacy and the foreign policy-development nexus in South Africa

This article examines the role of sub-state diplomacy, defined as the transnational linkages of sub-national governments, in bridging the gap between foreign policy and the domestic development agenda in South Africa. It argues that, as territorial sub-state actors, provinces and municipalities are strategically positioned to use their international relations to make foreign policy more responsive to domestic socio-economic priorities. In the South African case, however, this potential is yet to be fully realised, mainly because of institutional fragmentation of the foreign policy apparatus, but also owing to enduring challenges in the foreign activities of sub-national governments. The article concludes by making the case for a new diplomatic paradigm in South Africa, one that actively promotes and harnesses the foreign activities and capacities of different national stakeholders, including those of sub-national governments, in the interest of the domestic development agenda.