中国对外经济合作的新发展

对外经济合作是中国外交和外经贸工作的重要组成部分。中国开展对外经济合作的基本立场是“守约、保质、薄利、重义”。中国开展对外经济合作比较成熟的业务方式有对外援助、对外承包工程、对外劳务合作、境外投资等。中国政府在 5 0多年的对外经济合作工作中 ,已形成了一套较为完整的管理制度。对外经济合作有助于促进经济的发展 ,增进了人民间的相互了解 ,推动双边友好关系的发展。本文旨在使读者了解对外经济合作的基本情况 ,以便加深对经济外交作用的认识。     

全球化进程中的亚洲区域合作

当前亚洲区域合作呈现三个主要特点,一、起步虽晚,但发展迅速,前景广阔;二、东亚合作正在成为亚洲区域一体化进程中的先导;三、中国在亚洲区域合作中发挥了日益重要的作用。本文还就东亚合作的模式、领域,以及东盟在东亚合作中的作用,我国与日本、美国的关系等问题进行了论述。     

新世纪之初中国对外关系的建构

世纪之初,维护和平、谋求合作、促进发展成为历史的潮流。世界多极化和经济全球化趋势在曲折中发展。和平发展的中国面对不断变动的国际局势,以中国的自信和智慧,冷静回应中国外交面临的世纪课题。中国已建立战略伙伴式的国家间关系模式;积极发展同作为地缘战略依托的周边国家关系;不断调整同发达国家的关系;以负责任的大国身份全面参与多边外交等。这建构了新世纪之初的中国外交思维和行为模式。中国在推进民族复兴的同时也在缔造世界和平,促进全球发展。     

试析国际关系中的逆向公众舆论

公众舆论是一种社会意识,客观、适度地反映社会存在的公众舆论即正向公众舆论对社会发展起推动作用;反之,对社会存在的反映带有偏见或错误认识的公众舆论即逆向公众舆论对社会发展起阻碍作用。公众参与国际问题讨论意识的增强,信息技术的发展带来的公众参与国际事务讨论的便捷,使得公众舆论对国际关系起着越来越重要的影响。本文所关注的就是涉及国际关系的逆向公众舆论。     

应当重视对中国外交的哲学研究

“冷战”后国际形势发生了重大变化,中国外交既面临机遇也面临挑战,有许多问题需要从哲学上认真研究。这些问题包括中国外交的时代观、全球发展观、价值观、主体观、方法论、思维观、人权观和前进观等。作为泱泱大国,中国应当特别重视对外交哲学的研究。     

The paradox of petrodollar development: Chad’s military diplomacy in regional and global security

This paper examines the Chadian government’s overwhelming preoccupation with state security, rather than individual security, as evidenced by its huge expenditure on arms rather than on poverty-alleviating development projects following the unprecedented influx of petrodollars in the years since production began in 2003. This overemphasis on state security demonstrates a mismatch between the availability of natural resource wealth and ongoing low levels of socioeconomic development in Chad. The country has instead used its enormous oil wealth to boost its standing in the turbulent Central African and Sahelian regions where terrorism is rife. The country’s international diplomacy, which consists of deploying its well-equipped military in international peacekeeping missions and in the fight against terrorism, is a strategy of achieving international recognition while simultaneously diverting the international community’s attention from the country’s democracy deficit and poor human rights record. Internally, authoritarianism and political instability are accompanied by conflict, poverty and underdevelopment, which in turn perpetuate the challenges facing the country.     

Ubuntu and sumak kawsay: The Inter-Parliamentary Union and the search for a global South humanist paradigm of development

The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) continuously seeks to assert itself as a voice of the peoples of the world in global debates, where geopolitical interests of states, often representing political and economic elites, dominate. This article critically analyses one of the latest contributions to norm setting and idea-generation by the IPU: the concepts of ubuntu and sumak kawsay (also known as buen vivir in Spanish and living well in English) as the basis for the international response to the challenge of failed development strategies globally. This proposal from the IPU arises from the exhaustion of the dominant discourses and concepts underpinning international development. These discourses are based on the colonial model of power and are increasingly being challenged by calls from subaltern voices for ‘unthinking, rethinking and delinking’ from hegemonic illusions. Further, the article argues, the proposed ideals of ‘living well’ and ‘human solidarity’ cannot be implemented within the current colonially inspired humanist paradigm, but require a ‘decolonial’ orientation of global humanism.     

习近平首脑外交与中国白俄罗斯“一带一路”合作

自习近平成为中国领导人以来,在外交领域积极发挥关键性的领导作用,首脑外交已成为中国外交的最高形式。习近平外交思想强调党对外交工作的绝对领导,强调维护首脑对外交工作的核心领导。习近平主席对于中白合作的倡议得到卢卡申科总统的认同和支持,首脑外交已经成为中白“一带一路”合作快速发展的关键性因素。中白克服了空间距离远、产业合作条件不佳的困难,在白俄罗斯首都明斯克市郊建设中白工业园,并被纳入“一带一路”建设框架内,目前该项目的进展迅速。中国与白俄罗斯的“一带一路”合作是远高于一般意义上的经济合作,是一种基于政治互信的合作。从中白合作中我们得出一个结论:因势利导和差异性的合作形式是“一带一路”建设的新特点。“一带一路”绝不仅仅是一条交通物流走廊,更是一种全球经济合作的新模式,是中国参与经济全球化的一种制度创新。     

Economic Sanctions and the Politics of IMF Lending

What effect do economic sanctions have on the IMF lending decisions? Though countries under economic sanctions often face significant economic and financial difficulties, no comprehensive research to date has explored whether the IMF as a de facto lender of last resort intervenes in those countries in need. We posit that economic coercion is likely to hinder the target’s access to IMF credits as sanctioning (sender) countries are likely to use their political influence in the IMF to deny funds to the destabilized target economies. To assess the empirical merits of the hypothesis, we combine data on the IMF lending with the economic sanctions data for 120 emerging market economies from 1975 to 2005. Results indicate that target countries are less likely to receive IMF funds, especially when under sanctions by the United States and international institutions. Our findings contradict the conventional wisdom that the IMF is tasked with providing lifelines to member governments in need of help to ease their short-term balance of payment problems. Further, as much as IMF loans can be used as positive inducements to acquire a country’s strategic cooperation, we show that they might also be used by sender countries as a punishment tool against target countries to amplify the impact of sanctions regimes.     

试论美国的文化价值观与外交

文化价值观在很大程度上是指人们对其周围事物的认识,通常具有相对的稳定性和持久性。美国的文化价值观主要包括宗教信仰观、“一体化”文化观、“使命”观以及个人主义价值观。美国外交政策的制定和出台无一不受到这些价值观的影响,全面了解美国的文化价值观,将有助于我们更深刻地剖析和理解美国的外交政策。