总体国家安全观视野下的中国周边安全合作

中国总体国家安全的实现,不仅需要加强国内安全治理,也需要重视国际安全合作。周边地区对于中国国家安全至关重要,也是总体国家安全观践行的首要外部区域。十年来,中国积极践行总体国家安全观,在政治安全、国土安全、军事安全、经济安全等多领域与周边国家加强合作,谋求以新安全格局保障新发展格局。纵观中国与周边国家安全合作的历程,呈现出以下特点：统筹安全与发展、协调推进各领域安全、尊重差异与各有侧重、战略谋划与务实推进相结合。中国在周边地区积极践行总体国家安全观,可以更好地维护主权、安全、发展核心利益,营造和平稳定的周边环境和推动周边安全共同体建设。但是,总体国家安全观在周边地区的实践过程中也存在安全互信不足、泛安全化、系统效应受限等局限,需要中国与周边国家基于“求同存异”原则,循序渐进地推进周边安全共同体的构建。     

The Arts and International Relations: The Evolving Identity of the Edinburgh International Festival in the Cold War Era

This article attempts to discuss the delicate relationship between the arts and international politics and the instrumental role the arts may play in international relations. The paper sets the Cold War as the stage and uses the Edinburgh International Festival as the subject of research to trace the interplay between the arts and international relations. Specifically, the article answers the questions of how the festival was impacted by the changing international relations over the Cold War period and how the festival as an arts organization exerted influence on international politics.     

论新时代中国特色大国外交战略

党的十八大以来,新时代中国特色大国外交战略,积极推动全球治理体系变革,推动构建新型国际关系,坚持和平发展道路,推动构建人类命运共同体,促进"一带一路"国际合作,取得举世瞩目的历史性成就。     

Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan countries

The aim of the article is to present activities of Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets. The result of the analysis proves that Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets followed enterprise preferences. Thus, in the first decade of transition (1991–2000) commercial diplomacy focused only on ex-Yugoslav markets, while non-ex-YU (Western Balkan) markets became interesting only after the year 2000. The article argues that this can be explained by the reactiveness (instead of proactiveness) of Slovene enterprises, which stems from the Slovene national character.     

美国拜登总统的国家安全战略思维

领导人的国家安全战略思维界定了本国的核心战略意图，并影响国家安全战略的制定及其实践。领导人的国家安全战略思维、策略手段信念与安全战略动员，能够塑造国家安全战略实践的政治过程。领导人所受结构约束的程度与战略情境的不确定性，是影响其国家安全战略塑造能力的重要因素。拜登对美国国家安全环境持有负向认知，将国家安全威胁来源主要界定为“挑战现状”大国与全球安全议题，并因此力图实现美国在安全、经贸与价值观维度优先的目标，进而倾向于采取低安全议题、价值观外交以及后发制人式与多边合作式的安全战略手段。拜登不仅在战略议程设置和安全团队结构中处于核心位置，而且当前美国面临复杂的内外部环境，也确保其得以高效输出自身的战略理念。通过将拜登对俄罗斯、中国的安全信念与当前美国对外政策进行匹配，可以验证领导人塑造安全战略能力的推论。系统分析拜登总统的安全观，并对理解美国外交政策和安全战略的现状与趋势以及思考中美关系的发展方向具有启示意义。     

Addressing the schizophrenia of global Jihad

This paper deploys Deleuze and Guattari's AntiOedipus to critique discourses on radicalisation that call for a ‘public diplomacy’ to challenge a Jihadi meta-narrative or core identity. It argues that the Global Jihad should be reconceptualised as schizophrenic inasmuch as it is made up of a multiplicity of groups, aims, values, rationales and identities. The paper seeks to develop the utility of Deleuze and Guattari's philosophy for bridging critical and traditional terrorism studies by arguing that their schizoanalysis is a helpful aid to reassessing dominant identitarian conceptual frameworks for Jihad, and offers directions for reformulating our responses to radicalisation.     

Diplomacy,terrorism, and national narratives in the United States–Iran relationship

The United States and Iran have failed repeatedly in the last thirty years to normalise diplomatic relations. Each attempt to open a dialogue has been set back by acts of terrorism or perceptions thereof, and the small openings for diplomacy were quickly shut. The difficulties of normal diplomacy should be understood in light of the national narratives that guide each country's international behaviour, narratives that include strong admonitions on terrorism and sow distrust. One method to overcome the obstacles thrown up by these national narratives is to explore their dynamics and attempt to write a new, common narrative.     

IBSA's trilateral constellation and its development fund: Valuable pioneers in development cooperation?

With a changing geopolitical landscape following the Northern-induced global financial meltdown, stagnation on global governance reform and failure to reach agreement on issues ranging from trade (Doha Development Round) to climate change (United Nations Convention on Climate Change), the India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum finds itself at the proverbial crossroads. At this point, with no summit having taken place since 2011, the future of IBSA is uncertain in part because the three IBSA partners have allowed ambivalence and lack of leadership to hold sway. Yet the current fluidity in the international environment has ironically meant that IBSA is more relevant and needed than ever before. IBSA is well placed to play a vital role in arresting the current trajectory of the global governance architecture, particularly when it comes to concerns of development. As this article argues, it is in the area of development cooperation that IBSA has found its niche in demonstrating the possibilities that development diplomacy and South–South cooperation avail, while challenging traditional norm conceptions when it comes to the future of international development financial institutions. Yet the question remains as to how this will be used going forward, as there is little strategic discussion between the trilateral partners on the future of development diplomacy and the IBSA Fund.     

Quiet diplomacy in a television era: The media and U.S. policy toward the republic of Korea

This study examines the role of television coverage in U.S. policy toward South Korea, focusing on the May 1980 Kwangji incident and the subsequent visit of South Korean president Chun Doo Hwan to the White House in February of 1981. It explores these two episodes in the context of major dimensions of U.S. policy toward Korea and the themes developed through sporadic, low‐level coverage of Korea by mainstream American media over the years. The analysis underscores the political impact of television's dramatic visual focus, its use of consistent visual images, its expansion of the geopolitical scope of the policy process, and its personalization of policy. The dramatically different public interpretations of the Kwangju incident and Chun visit in Korea versus the United States suggests that President Reagan's first major state visit, during which he declared that his administration would pursue “quiet diplomacy” on human rights in Korea, while successful within the United States and in the short term, was damaging over the long term.     

Relative Political and Value Proximity in Mediated Public Diplomacy: The Effect of State-Level Homophily on International Frame Building

This article applies the homophily thesis to public diplomacy and offers an empirical examination of a country's success in its mediated public diplomacy efforts. It analyzes international frame building, the process of creating or changing media frames in the international communications arena, by applying it to the case of Israeli mediated public diplomacy efforts during the war in Gaza in the winter of 2008–2009. The article claims that one way to use the homophily thesis in empirical analyses of international frame-building campaigns in conflicts is to measure the political and value proximity of a country promoting frames to other countries. Yet, proximity should be measured relatively rather than in absolute terms. Therefore, one should look not only at the dyadic proximity between two actors (i.e., Country A that attempts to promote its frames to Country C), but at the relative proximity between Countries A and C considering the proximity between the rival Country B and the target Country C. The study proposes a model and a method to facilitate empirical analysis of this claim. Using sophisticated computerized content analysis, our analyses demonstrate that relative proximity is related to successful international frame building in the hypothesized direction: The closer the relative proximity between Israel and a foreign country, the greater the acceptance of Israel's views.