郑和--中国和平外交的先行者

开展和平外交,是郑和下西洋最主要的目的和活动.郑和船队尊重各地习俗,礼待各国统治者和人民,积极进行文化交流,开展平等贸易,促进了中国与各国间友好关系的建立.郑和下西洋忠实地执行了明王朝睦邻友好的外交政策,谱写了中国与亚非各国和平友好关系的新篇章,使中外经济文化交流达到前所未有的鼎盛局面.     

柬埔寨问题与新加坡地区外交的转机

柬埔寨问题是东盟做为外交共同体出现于国际社会的关键,展示了东盟及其成员国为地区事务所做的共同努力,新加坡表现尤其活跃,在协调东盟内部分歧、促进柬埔寨抗越力量的联合、促使问题国际化等方面发挥了积极作用。柬埔寨问题的出现为新加坡提供了参与地区事务的契机,改变了其地区形象,增强了其对地区合作的信心。柬埔寨问题是新加坡地区外交的重要转机。     

中国对东南亚公共外交的问题与建议

公共外交是国家的一项重要战略资产,对于传播本国外交理念,塑造国家形象,改善本国的国际舆论环境有重要的意义。但作为一种外交手段,公共外交也具有局限性,其作用不应该过度被夸大。本文以中国在东南亚地区的公共外交为例,分析了我国公共外交存在的问题并提出了政策建议。     

普京的大国外交战略

普京上台后，秉承灵活、务实的外交原则，对俄罗斯的外交战略进行了调整。普京的大国外交战略是全方位、多层次的：增强国家实力，以此为基点和归宿积极推进大国外交战略；改善地缘环境，做地区强国；积极开展全方位外交，做世界大国。     

俄罗斯外交中的欧亚主义文化特征

苏联解体后复兴的欧亚主义具有文化特征和理论意义，对当代俄罗斯外交具有重大影响。俄罗斯欧亚主义是俄罗斯自身文化因素的产物，研究具有鲜明俄罗斯文化特征的欧亚主义，可以更好地审视当今俄罗斯外交政策。     

青年外交特征分析

青年外交作为国家总体外交的重要组成部分，是国家外交活动走向多元化的重要标志。目前，青年外交日渐呈现出由边缘走向中心、由补充走向主流、由双边走向多边的特征。     

90年代印度实行经济外交的原因及主要措施

进入2 0世纪90年代,国际局势发生了巨大变化,而经济全球化的迅速发展使得经济实力在一国对外政策中的地位突显,因此,印度一直奉行的尼赫鲁外交思想已不适用,自1991年拉奥上台以后,印度对其外交政策进行了调整,推行经济外交,突出外交为经济发展服务,并通过经济手段发展与世界各国的关系,取得了显著效果。本文就印度实行经济外交的原因、主要措施与实践效果作一个简要分析。     

制约俄罗斯能源战略与外交实施的因素探析

“能源超级大国”俄罗斯于2003年5月出台了《俄罗斯2020年前能源战略》,使油气能源成为实现国家外交战略目标的重要手段。俄罗斯政府在推行能源外交过程中,受到以下四个方面因素的影响与制约:第一,油气工业本身存在一些结构性问题;第二,在管理体制方面存在诸多问题;第三,国际市场能源价格变动对能源出口战略造成直接影响;第四,地缘政治也是掣肘能源外交的重要因素。因此,如果俄罗斯政府在能源战略上出现重大判断和运作失误,也可能给外交带来负面影响。     

The foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state: South Africa as case study

With South Africa having declared itself a developmental state, this paper posits that if a developmental state is one that drives development, then the foreign policy of such a state should pursue development as one of its most important goals. Similarly the diplomatic corps of such a state should prioritise economic, commercial, para- and public diplomacy as drivers of diplomacy. In answering the question, ‘What should be the foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state?’, the authors, through an exploratory approach, seek to analyse how well the state has fared in achieving this objective. To be a successful developmental state, a strategic capacity should exist and a clear strategic conception of the state's national interest should be formulated. Old paradigms about the role and functions of the diplomatic corps are challenged and a meritocratic diplomatic corps is strongly advocated to support the state's declared developmental goals.     

The iteration deficit in responsive regulation: Are regulatory ambassadors an answer?

One reason that regulation is difficult is that repeated encounters between regulator and regulatee are rare. We suggest diplomacy as a model for reconfiguring regulatory institutions in response. Ambassadors for Regulatory Affairs who would be agents for all state regulatory agencies could be based in most large firms and small and medium enterprises that pose unusual regulatory risks. In rural towns, police would be trained as regulatory ambassadors. Just as a US Secretary of State can launch a “diplomatic surge” in Myanmar from 2009, so regulatory surges are possible in market sectors of high risk or high opportunity. We propose strategies of indirect reciprocity as a way in which reciprocity that is only episodic in these strategic ways can promote more general responsiveness. Indirect reciprocity is reciprocity that we do not personally experience, but learn from the experience of a culture. This means that so long as we sustain regulation as a relational as opposed to a purely technocratic process, indirect reciprocity might civilize regulatory compliance in an historical process informed by the theories of Elias and Putnam.