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221.
新形势下中国对朝外交政策的调整 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
冷战结束后,中朝关系逐渐向以国家利益为导向的"正常的国家关系"转变。2010年以来朝鲜半岛发生的多次争议事件导致局势不稳加剧,中国对朝鲜半岛外交及中朝双边关系面临微妙形势。分析当前中国对朝外交新形势,应以国家利益为出发点,调整对朝政策:承担必要责任,摆脱被动牵制;撬动对朝"杠杆",发挥主动影响;遵循务实原则,谋求国家利益;理解对方关切,保持传统友谊,从而实现中朝关系长远而健康的发展。 相似文献
222.
2005年9月,胡锦涛向全世界提出"建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界"的战略构想.和谐世界是人类社会发展的理想目标.构建和谐世界的思想是与新中国建立以来几代中国领导人的外交战略思想一脉相承的,是对新中国外交战略思想的继承与发展.构建和谐世界思想已成为当前中国外交的一个新理念和新的战略目标.这一思想无论是在理论领域丰富和发展中国外交战略思想,还是在维护世界和平、促进共同发展、改善和发展中国对外关系等实践中都具有非常重要的战略意义. 相似文献
223.
Andrea Pressello 《Japan Forum》2014,26(1):1-24
Japan's role during the Cambodian peace process after 1989 is often considered a successful case of post-Second World War Japanese diplomacy. In contrast to claims in the existing literature that Japan began to consider and initiated its involvement in the settlement only beginning in the late 1980s, this article demonstrates that Tokyo's role built upon a diplomatic platform that the Japanese had constructed through peace efforts since the Cambodian conflict erupted in 1979. The policy framework, objectives and initiatives of Japan's Cambodia diplomacy during the peace process represented the culmination of a ten-year diplomatic endeavour. Ultimately, Japan's involvement in the Cambodian settlement, guided by its Southeast Asia strategy of promoting coexistence and cooperation between ASEAN and Indochina, legitimated and favoured Japan's attempts to expand its post-Cold War role in regional political and security affairs. 相似文献
224.
文章从“各国的事情要由各国自己管”;“亚非拉民族国家是我们的朋友”,中国属于第三世界;“谁搞霸权主义就反对谁”三个方面阐述了学习毛泽东外交思想的体会。毛泽东外交思想博大精深,我们应从学习、研究中汲取智慧和力量。 相似文献
225.
This essay analyzes Colombian foreign policy over the last three decades with specific emphasis on Bogota's peace diplomacy from 1978 up to 2000 in the context of an ongoing and degrading internal war. Initially, it assumes a modified realist perspective that links international relations with domestic structures. Then, the text defines three models of Colombian peaceful diplomacy according to the purposes, the means, and the rationales employed by the administrations that covered the above-mentioned period. After empirically evaluating the governments of Presidents Turbay, Betancur, Barco, Gaviria, and Samper and the first two years of the presidency of Pastrana, the article concludes with an assessment of the country's peace diplomacy and its impact on internal violence and instability. The foreign policies of the six different mandates show that Colombia never developed an overall, consensual state strategy towards peace, that the multiple peaceful diplomacies were partially successful in terms of sustaining the political regime and that, notwithstanding the latter, the successive governments failed to achieve a genuine resolution to domestic war. Finally, the article calls for a serious, active, and simultaneous state foreign policy and citizen's diplomacy in favor of peace. 相似文献
226.
全球化环境下的中国文化外交 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
适应后冷战结时期经济全球化在上层建筑层面的文化领域的影响和反映,中国提出和采取了一系列的对内、对外政策的主张和行动,勾勒出后冷战时期中国文化外交的轮廓和内容。包括对内巩固传统文化,丰富中国文化;对外参与和利用国际多边机制,推动文化保护、交流与合作;并在国际上主张文化多样性,开展文化外交。文化外交正丰富和充实着中国的总体外交,赋予中国外交更多的中国特色。 相似文献
227.
中日交涉自“九.一八”开始就以各种途径、不同形式在进行,张群因早年留日,与日本渊源较深,为蒋介石所倚重,负责调整中日关系。华北事变后的中日交涉,是抗战正式爆发前中日间最后的较量,张群在与日方的周旋与应对中,实施了一系列积极的外交策略。 相似文献
228.
Vying for high-speed railway projects overseas has become a prominent feature of China's diplomacy in recent years, including in Southeast Asia. These efforts have been widely depicted within the premises of the China Threat narrative – as a part of Beijing's agenda to alter the power balance in Southeast Asia at the expense of the economic, political, and security well-being of countries in the region. This paper challenges such interpretations and concludes that these projects do not have either the intention or capacity to facilitate such a hostile and far-reaching agenda toward the region. 相似文献
229.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2018,5(2):196-207
‘Community of common destiny’, a new concept in China's diplomacy, has been increasingly used by the Chinese government, especially President Xi Jinping, on international occasions. Given the paucity of academic research on the concept, this paper aims to fill the gap and examine three aspects: meaning, motives and implications. Building upon the author's long observation of China's foreign policy, the paper argues that this concept of ‘community of common destiny’ is vague in meaning and loosely used by China. While initially proposed by China to mend ties with neighbouring states in the context of escalating territorial disputes, the concept constitutes part of China's long‐term strategy to maintain a peaceful ‘period of strategic opportunity’ in the first two to three decades of the 21st century to further develop itself. However, the ambiguity of the concept poses a main challenge for China to promote the acceptance of this concept by the developing world, let alone developed countries. This process demands more transparency, commitment and concrete actions from China. 相似文献
230.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(6):1305-1322
This article studies the co‐operation between parliamentary and executive diplomats in EU foreign policy. Building on transnational perspectives, the European Parliament is conceptualized as an actor capable of pursuing autonomous diplomatic behaviour through cross‐border agency over its elected representatives, its bureaucracy, as well as through European party federations. A novel framework is proposed, built around the hypothesis that parliamentary and executive actors co‐operate by exchanging institutional, information, legitimacy and access resources in order to reach their goals more effectively. To demonstrate the argument empirically, the article studies EU‐facilitated mediation talks in Macedonia (2015–17). Building on semi‐structured interviews with 27 key stakeholders, the analysis shows how during the different stages of the mediation, executive and parliamentary actors exchanged crucial diplomatic resources in order to effectively conclude and implement the so‐called Pržino‐agreements between the government and opposition parties. 相似文献