中国共产党百年对外交往与外交思想笔谈

中国共产党在对外交往领域积累了丰富的思想和实践资源,这是深化中国特色政党外交理论研究,丰富外交学理论,构建中国特色大国外交理论的重要学理源泉。中国共产党的世界观和外交价值观一以贯之,外交思想和原则具有高度稳定性、连续性和确定性。党的外交思想坚持人民性、独立性和时代性。独立自主是中国共产党外交思想体系的基石。党的十八大以来,中国积极开展涉港国际斗争,坚决反对与遏制任何国家和外部势力干涉香港事务和中国内政。中国共产党的国际安全理论建设具有长期的思想准备、丰富的实践经验和先进的理论指导,坚持系统思维,构建大安全格局。共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观是中国特色国际秩序观的具体体现。     

拜登政府的全球气候变化领导政策与中国应对

美国的气候治理政策长期呈现周期性变化特点。围绕气候问题,拜登政府强调引领清洁能源革命和重回气候治理,重视国内清洁能源发展、气候议题科学化塑造、气候治理多边主义,希望在继承奥巴马政府时期气候政策的基础上,全面提升美国的气候治理领导力。在国内,拜登政府欲依托科技创新、刺激需求、投资基础设施等措施使清洁能源融入美国经济进程;在气候外交方面,美国将推动相关问题在国家安全和外交事务中的主流化。拜登政府设计了“团结应对策略”,将盟友、峰会外交、经贸合作、对外援助和投资、技术标准、区域合作等内容融入其中,并突出气候变化与安全、人权的相关性。在对华气候政策方面,拜登政府将对中国实施限制性气候合作策略。虽然中美合作有助于实现《巴黎协定》的“2摄氏度”目标,也有助于全球低碳经济良性发展,但在气候治理领导权、全球低碳标准领域,中、美两国仍存在竞争。     

The emerging middle power concept: Time to say goodbye?

To deal with the wide range of states that are considered middle powers, scholars distinguish between traditional middle powers on the one hand, and emerging, non-traditional or Southern middle powers on the other. This article examines the middle power concept in light of such diversity. It rejects middle power conceptions based on a ranking of size, power or position, on performing morally commendable international actions, on playing niche roles in international diplomacy, or on national self-identification. The article then considers a conception of middle powers as international stabilisers. The difficulty with this latter conception is that new middle powers exhibit a counter-hegemonic streak and a preference for multipolarity. Both of these are destabilising. The proposed solution is to jettison adjectives such as ‘emerging’ or ‘Southern’ with regard to middle powers, to stop classifying mid-range states with counter-hegemonic tendencies as middle powers, and to restrict the middle power term to mid-range states that actively support the liberal hegemonic project.     

Colombia at War: The Search for a Peace Diplomacy

This essay analyzes Colombian foreign policy over the last three decades with specific emphasis on Bogota's peace diplomacy from 1978 up to 2000 in the context of an ongoing and degrading internal war. Initially, it assumes a modified realist perspective that links international relations with domestic structures. Then, the text defines three models of Colombian peaceful diplomacy according to the purposes, the means, and the rationales employed by the administrations that covered the above-mentioned period. After empirically evaluating the governments of Presidents Turbay, Betancur, Barco, Gaviria, and Samper and the first two years of the presidency of Pastrana, the article concludes with an assessment of the country's peace diplomacy and its impact on internal violence and instability. The foreign policies of the six different mandates show that Colombia never developed an overall, consensual state strategy towards peace, that the multiple peaceful diplomacies were partially successful in terms of sustaining the political regime and that, notwithstanding the latter, the successive governments failed to achieve a genuine resolution to domestic war. Finally, the article calls for a serious, active, and simultaneous state foreign policy and citizen's diplomacy in favor of peace.     

The evolution of Japan's role in ‘Lusophone’ Africa: From inertia to action

This article explores Japan's relations with Lusophone Africa over the past 60 years. It asks what factors have propelled Japan's shift from a foreign policy based on inertia to a more proactive one. Arguably, colonialism and postcolonialism linked to the Cold War politics had a negative impact on Japan's relations with the Portuguese-speaking African countries (PALOP) and Africa as a whole; this contrasts with Japan's process of ‘Africanisation’ after 1990, reflective of changing external and internal circumstances. The question arises as to whether Japan's relations with the specific PALOP states, and with the group as a whole, have been influenced by, or have had influence over, Japan's long-term approach to other African states. Lastly, what characterises Japan's approach to the PALOP? Findings show mutual gains beyond the simple exploitation of natural resources towards broad-based sustainable growth. Still, from the perspective of the poorest PALOP, development cooperation and trade benefits are unbalanced and insufficient.     

朝核六方会谈:危机和机会

尽管由于中国的努力,第一次朝核六方会议成功召开了,但因朝一美双方分歧太大,此次会议取得的实质成果不大.今后的事态发展,中国的作用举足轻重.     

新加坡的中国新移民形象：当地的视野与政策的考量

本文首先介绍上世纪90年代后新加坡人口结构之改变,接着分析本地新加坡人对中国新移民的看法,然后讨论新加坡移民政策的出发点,即从控制新移民涌人到整合团结现有移民。本文认为,同宗同族的民族观和共同文化源流在塑造新加坡人对新移民的看法时作用甚微,政治上和经济上的实用主义才是影响公众对新移民的态度和政策抉择的最重要因素。在这一大框架之下,公共外交能够对中国人、华人新移民和中国国家的国际形象改变发挥一定的积极作用。     

美国文化价值观对美国外交的影响

自美国踏上国际舞台之日起,其外交就带有一个明显的特点,即价值观化。以天赋使命观、种族优越论、扩张意识、实用主义等为基本特征的美国文化隐形影响、指导、规范着美国对外政策的制定与实施,并在对外政策中得到充分的体现。同时,美国外交赤裸裸地强行输出美式民主、自由等价值观,这种观念和行为深刻影响着国际社会。     

Soft Power and State–Firm Diplomacy: Congress and IT Corporate Activity in China

In today's globalized political economy, diplomacy between nation-states (state–state diplomacy) now exists alongside state–firm diplomacy, the negotiations between multinational corporations (MNCs) and the countries in which they do business. While the state must be committed to the interests of its MNCs in the interest of domestic state–firm diplomacy (maintaining a supportive business environment), it still has recourse to address failures in corporate diplomacy and to maintain the appearance of dominance on the world stage. This paper examined these strategies through a critical analysis of prepared testimony at the February 2006 congressional hearing regarding the controversial actions of four U.S. IT MNCs (Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Cisco) operating in China. I conclude that when the government is constrained from using its hard power on its MNCs, soft power becomes its most effective tool. Image, suggestion, and appearance—soft power—can be considered more important than legislation itself—hard power—and perhaps even the currency of current state–firm relations.