GEORGE W. BUSH AND ASIA: IN THE SHADOW OF 11 SEPTEMBER

Traditionally seen as a President consumed by the war on terror, George W. Bush is frequently portrayed as being relatively uninterested in Asia, and unable to outline a vision or a strategy to China, America’s Asian allies and Asian multilateral mechanisms. This article will revisit Bush’s policy on Asia and show a president who guided the United States with a policy that balanced the need to combat global terrorism and locate a focus on Asia. He faced the dilemmas of building cooperative relations with a rising China while trying to foster American alliances and partnerships in Asia, and managing the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Utilizing qualitative content analysis as the main research method, the article will demonstrate that the Bush administration had not a lack of focus on Asia and that Bush’s diplomacy to Asia should be recognized as one of the most significant achievements of his presidency.     

美国对华决策政治系统及要求

自 2 0世纪 70年代以来特别是冷战结束以后 ,美国外交决策系统由原来的相对集中和由总统占垄断地位向一个开放和多元的系统转变。本文使用政治的分析方法考察了美国对华决策系统的结构以及各个要求的作用和影响 ,并提出通过影响国会、利益集团和媒体的要求进而影响美国对华政策的观点。     

认清形势 大力推动东亚合作

东亚地区的一体化进程已经开始。东亚经济一体化是世界的需要,亚洲的需要,也是中国的需要。“东亚思想库网络”是“10 3”东亚区域合作机制中第二轨道外交的一个活动平台,是“10 3”东亚国家领导人会议正式认可的学术交流与研究的机制。     

俄罗斯与东北亚地区的能源合作

当今世界,能源问题已成为各国关注的焦点问题之一。目前,围绕能源的国际合作与竞争正不断加强。东北亚这个最具发展潜力的地区,随着经济的发展,能源消费与需求不断增加,能源的进口也随之加大,尤其是中、日、韩三国。俄罗斯是世界上能源生产与出口大国,因而与东北亚地区其他国家之间存在着较强的互补性。俄罗斯同东北亚国家的能源合作,不仅可加快其融入东北亚及亚太市场的步伐,而且有利于东北亚地区的能源安全。     

俄罗斯外交传统与冷战后俄外交政策的特点

俄罗斯独立以来的外交政策在继承了其外交传统的同时，又具有自身的某些特点，它们反映了世纪之交在俄罗斯国内和国际舞台上所发生的一系列根本变革。根据外界形势的变化和本国利益的具体驱动，俄罗斯外交的行动准则几经调整。冷战后俄罗斯外交有三个突出特点，即全方位的平衡外交、维护国家利益的务实外交、确保大国地位的积极外交。     

约翰逊政府的对印尼政策（1964—1965年）

美国对印尼政策历来缺乏一个稳定的基础。如何判断苏加诺政权的性质并据此制订美国的政策,始终是困扰美国决策者的一大难题。进入1960年代后,高度紧张的地区局势与苏加诺激进政策更是构成了对约翰逊政府政治与决策资源的挑战。美国对苏加诺政权性质和对外政策意图判断的演变,是促成约翰逊政府改变对印尼政策的重要环节。这一认知过程大致经历了三个阶段:苏加诺间接挑战了美国在东南亚的利益;苏加诺蓄意采取了与美国为敌的政策;苏加诺与共产党国家结成了针对美国的政治联盟。美国的政策也相应由促成印尼与西方国家关系的缓和转向削弱苏加诺政权政治统治的基础。     

The Making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter: A Case of Complex Multilateralism

This article examines the diplomatic process found in the making of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Many components of this dynamic point to a significant bending of the "old" pattern of multilateralism associated with the Organization of American States (OAS). The normative purpose behind the charter centered on the collective right to democracy as opposed to the traditional defense of sovereignty. The pattern of involvement contained some parallels with initiatives considered the prototypes of a "new" multilateralism, namely the campaigns against antipersonnel land mines and for an International Criminal Court. That is to say it featured an intense style and a "bottom-up" diplomacy with extensive engagement by secondary states and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Notwithstanding these features, the multilateralism in the making of the Inter-American Charter is depicted as not simply "new" but complex. Stimulated by the 2000 political crisis located in that country, leadership on the charter came from Peru not a classic middle power. The United States was not the maker of the charter but neither was it an opponent or breaker of the initiative. The early burst of speed slowed when resistance appeared from a cluster of states. Serious splits appeared among NGOs involved with the charter process on a north/south basis. To nuance the claims of "new" multilateralism is not to discount the conceptual or (as witnessed by its use in the April 2002 crisis in Venezuela) operational significance of the charter. The argument made in this article, however, is that it was this hybrid nature of the initiative that contributed to its claims of innovation and measure of success.     

略论邓小平对新时期中国国际斗争方式问题的认识

邓小平同志在继承和发展毛泽东国际战略思想的基础上,在新的历史时期,实行了新的以“韬光养晦”为特征的国际斗争方式。     

试论文化外交

在当代国际关系中,随着文化交流的不断发展,文化外交成为外交的一种新型方式。本文试图从跨文化的国际传播角度,结合外交实践,探讨文化外交的内涵、外延及其地位作用。该课题的研究将有助于拓展对外交概念的理解,强化外交活动的自觉,加速全方位、立体型外交体系的建构。     

Global Television News and Foreign Policy: Debating the CNN Effect

This study investigates the origins and development of the cable news network (CNN) effect hypothesis. It reveals an ongoing debate among politicians, officials, and journalists who are involved in the political processes that this hypothesis attempts to explain, and also among scholars who have been studying it. Debates have been conducted both within and among these groups on the meaning and validity of the CNN effect, but none has contributed significantly to resolving the issue. On the contrary, these debates have presented contradicting statements that have only created confusion and misunderstanding. This study presents lessons from the decade-long effort to explore the CNN effect and projects a new agenda for more useful approaches towards different effects of global communication, apart from those covered by the present controversial hypothesis.