The Evolution of International Conflict Resolution: From Cold War to Peacebuilding

Shaped by the changing nature of international conflict, the field of international conflict resolution evolved significantly throughout the latter years of the twentieth century and continues to be redefined. The end of the Cold War created space for a major transformation of the international conflict resolution field. This transformation was marked by three trends: (1) an expansion from a focus on superpower negotiating strategies to a wider peacebuilding agenda, (2) an increase in the role of nongovernmental actors as both disputants and third parties in international conflicts, and (3) a growing concern about human security in addition to state security, creating both tensions and opportunities for collaboration between governmental and nongovernmental bodies. This article presents a brief overview of each trend, as well as some concluding questions to frame the field's further development at this important juncture.     

1958年印尼内战与艾森豪威尔政府的政策

美国对1958年印尼内战的干涉是美国与第三世界关系史上一个有代表性的事件。艾森豪威尔政府从美苏两极对抗的角度认知和处理美国与新兴的民族主义国家的关系,将美国对亚非民族主义国家的政策附属于美国对苏冷战战略。正是基于这样一种政策思维,美国对印尼内战采取了干涉政策。干涉行动的失败,迫使美国决策当局重新检视对印尼政策的基本构架,并着手制定一项更为可行、更能反映印尼政治经济和社会现实的政策。     

试论青年外交的内涵、分类及特征

青年外交是国际交往中存在的青年现象，是国家总体外交的重要组成部分。青年外交是国际政治演化发展的必然结果，是国家间关系发展到一定阶段的必然产物，是国家外交活动走向多元化的重要标志。青年外交日渐呈现出由边缘走向中心、由补充走向主流、由双边走向多边的特点。     

中国石油安全与能源外交

石油安全是近期国家能源安全的焦点。能源安全是关系国民经济发展和国家安全的重大战略问题,世界各国普遍关注。由于我国石油自给能力无法满足国民经济和社会发展的需求,我国将多方位开辟海外能源渠道,积极参与国际石油资源的开发,进一步积极开展能源外交,在全球能源领域占领战略制高点,保障国际石油运输的安全,以期在日趋激烈的能源争夺战中占主动地位。     

试析帕麦斯顿的强硬外交

帕麦斯顿是一位可与丘吉尔比肩的重要历史人物,支配当时世界上最强大国家的外交政策20余年.他的外交政策明显地具有强硬的特征,主要表现在:"支持"比利时独立、推动克里木战争和发动两次鸦片战争.其目的有三:保持欧洲均势、开拓海外市场和满足公众舆论.而英国的工业霸权和海上霸权则是其经济后盾和军事后盾.帕麦斯顿奉行非常现实的实力外交与强硬外交,以武力、战争来为英国资产者获取利益,为此不惜与法国对抗、与俄国兵戎相见、远涉重洋侵略中国.     

Constructing Cooperation: A New Approach to Confidence Building between India and Pakistan

ABSTRACT

India and Pakistan have tempered their rivalry over the years by negotiating many bilateral confidence-building measures (CBMs), but the current patchwork of agreements cannot prevent an act of cross-border terrorism from triggering a major militarised crisis. To help mitigate this shortfall, this article advocates a new conceptual approach towards confidence building that identifies two categories of agreements – negative and positive. Negative CBMs oblige inaction; they can be defined as promises to eschew provocative behaviour, so as to prevent miscalculation and accidental war. Most prominent Indo-Pakistani CBMs fall under this category – examples include agreements on non-attack of nuclear facilities and non-violation of airspace. Positive CBMs, by contrast, oblige action; they entail tangible engagement and cooperation in the military, diplomatic, or economic domains. Examples might include counter-piracy cooperation and the expansion of people-to-people contacts. This article argues that positive CBMs invite reciprocity and are a plausible tool for promoting bilateral goodwill, reducing mistrust, and insulating Indo-Pakistani relations from shocks.     

Zimbabwe's troubles

This paper is situated within the global growing interest in the security of the Persian Gulf. Following the call for a pre-emptive air strike by the United States and Israel against Iran to crush or damage extensively its nuclear facilities, the debate on whether or not such an attack is justified and feasible, and what alternative strategy will yield the best result, had become of great concern among scholars around the world. This paper positions itself as an antagonist to the pre-emptive air strike option. It argues that the consequences of a pre-emptive air strike and its failure margin considering the location of the targeted facilities and the political situation in Iran have been seriously underestimated. It recommends that instead of a pre-emptive air strike, the Iranian nuclear programme crisis can be solved in a peaceful and more logical way, through technical isolation.     

Making Sense of Citizen Diplomats: The People of Duluth, Minnesota, as International Actors

What is citizen diplomacy and how do we assess its significance? These are important questions because of the recent upsurge in international activity of this kind, and because how we answer them says a great deal about how we "do IR." By examining citizen diplomacy in Duluth, Minnesota, this paper offers a typology of citizen diplomats organized around the ideas of who or what they are representing and to whom. Assessing the significance of citizen diplomacy is a more difficult problem since individuals tend to generate a priori answers to it based on our respective theoretical orientations to IR as a whole. As a solution to this problem, the paper proposes a "diplomatic" approach which focuses on both the representation of differences to one another and the professional commitment which diplomats have to maintaining the practices and institutions which make such relations possible.     

国际非传统安全领域中的日本公共外交

冷战结束后,与人类共同利益密切相连的国际非传统安全领域日益受到各国的关注。公共外交以政府主导、面向公众、公开性、真实性为主要特征,以塑造国家形象为最终目标,在非传统安全领域有广泛的施展空间。日本作为二战战败国,实现政治大国的手段有很大的局限性,因此,它通过公共外交在非传统安全领域投入了巨大的人力、物力、财力,在国际社会上树立了良好的国家形象。但其传统外交的制约及外交政策的功利性也使日本公共外交失色不少。日本公共外交的成功与不足之处,对我国的指导意义是:建立中国特色的公共外交体系,采取多样化的手段、有针对性地开展公共外交。     

从"双重国籍"的放弃看中国侨务与外交的关系

本文探讨了1954-1955年新中国通过谈判放弃"双重国籍"问题的外交背景,认为放弃"双重国籍"是新中国在权衡周边安全环境和国家利益得失后进行外交战略和策略调整的重大举措,也是同一时期中国进行外交战略和策略调整的重要佐证,还是将侨务与外交密切联系在一起的最为重大的历史事件.在此基础上,本文还论述了中国外交战略和策略调整背景下的侨务工作,既具体分析了侨务对外交的服从情况,又明确指出了侨务对外交的补充与支持作用.