东亚区域合作与第二轨道外交

建立东亚共同体已经成为东亚各国的共同目标。作为第二轨道外交活动平台的“东亚思想库网络”在东亚一体化的进程中发挥着积极的作用。文章强调“东亚思想库网络”在促进东亚合作的过程中应发挥四项功能,并提出了推动东亚合作的具体建议。     

国际妇女运动的发展与中国的男女平等基本国策

2004年是全国妇联建会55周年。遵照胡锦涛主席的指示精神,这一年被定为“男女平等基本国策”宣传年。顺应妇女发展的世界潮流,在强有力的国内政治背景下,我国于1995年提出“男女平等是促进社会发展的一项基本国策”。近10年来,党和政府采取了一系列有力措施,从法律政策、组织机构、运作机制入手,促进男女平等和妇女发展,取得了显著效果,但也存在一些问题。目前,妇联已与151个国家和地区近700个妇女儿童组织和机构建立了友好联系,成为具有广泛国际影响的妇女组织,对推动国家关系、维护世界和平起到了重要作用。     

国际非政府组织——主权国家不可忽视的力量

国际非政府组织是近二三十年来国际舞台上十分活跃的非国家行为主体.其庞大的数量、宏观的全球视野、强烈的道义性和在国际政治领域内不断增强的作用,都从不同角度影响着主权国家的外交.但是,国际非政府组织自身的各种结构性缺陷又不同程度地制约其全球影响力的发挥.面对这一国际政治现实,崛起的中国应在加强对国际非政府组织研究的同时,以积极稳妥的方式促成同国际非政府组织间的良性互动.     

特纳边疆学说中的扩张理论对美国外交政策的影响--以19世纪末20世纪初的美国在太平洋地区的扩张政策为例

本文通过论述19世纪末到二十世纪初美国在太平洋地区的一系列扩张活动,分析美国历史学家特纳的边疆学说中的扩张理论对当时的几届政府都产生重要影响的根本原因,进而认识美国在这一历史时期的扩张活动的历史背景.     

中国共产党外交理论建设的百年探索和创新

在马克思主义指导下,中国共产党在百年实践中不断探索和总结中国外交的发展规律,历史、辩证地认识国情、世情,科学、理性地分析中国和世界的互动关系,形成了一系列反映不同时代特点、体现中国特色的外交思想和外交理论,其构成了中国共产党的外交理论体系。中国共产党领导下的中国外交建构了以内外一体的利益观、与时俱进的时代观和公正合理的国际体系观等为核心理念的总体思想,发展了以基本定位、战略主攻方向和善用机遇等为主要内涵的战略思维。中国外交坚持国家的社会主义属性、发展中国家地位和“结伴不结盟”的战略原则;在抓住和用好战略机遇期方面,中国共产党在国际关系和外交上形成和发展了“战略机遇论”。中国外交注重坚持基本原则和弹性灵活处理,维护核心利益和实现互谅互让,强调通盘考虑和主张分步实施外交目标;外交政策的国际对接注重原则对接、讨论对接、内涵对接。中国外交理论坚持实事求是和唯物史观,是中国化马克思主义的重要组成部分,今后将继续在守正创新中不断发展,指引中国外交取得更大胜利,推动构建新型国际关系和人类命运共同体。     

The role of the European Parliament in Turkey-EU relations: A troublemaker or a useful normative actor?

This article analyzes the role of the European Parliament (EP) in Turkey–EU relations. More specifically, it explores the reasons why in practice EP’s role in promoting fundamental values of the European Union (EU) in Turkey remained largely limited. Drawing on the broader socialization literature, it concludes that a combination of factors related to the socializer (EP) and to the socializee (Turkey) limits the EP’s effectiveness to emerge as a normative actor in its relations with Turkey. In particular, the study points to the mismatch of values promoted by the EP and those embraced by the Turkish political elite as the real obstacle that prevents any socialization mechanism from being triggered.     

Diplomatic Rivalries and Cultural One-upmanship: New Zealand’s Long Quest to Become More Pacific than Australia

Abstract

New Zealand’s governmental and non-governmental agencies, academic commentators and media have long framed the country as uniquely and favourably positioned on cultural grounds to be a strategic diplomatic actor in the South Pacific. Justifications for the framing stem from two linked complexes: the history of New Zealand’s colonial and post-colonial involvement in a number of Polynesian territories in the Pacific; and the related history of relations between settlers and indigenes in New Zealand itself. These different strands of the argument have increasingly been brought together by the growth in numbers of New Zealand-born and domiciled Pacific Islanders. They, along with Maori, have been recruited into the diplomatic service and overtly contribute to the use of Polynesian encounter rituals in New Zealand’s diplomatic outreach. Such histories are used to justify New Zealand’s role in the Pacific in its relations with other external powers, especially in diplomatic jostling with Australia. The claims to special insight and cultural capital are subjected to critical scrutiny.     

The Changing Paradigm of Pacific Regional Politics

Abstract

Analyses of recent developments in Pacific regional politics have emphasized the role of ideas and new thinking about how the Pacific should engage in global and regional diplomacy (the so-called ‘paradigm shift’). These ideas include the call for regional self-determination, the claim that Pacific island states need to engage more assertively in global diplomacy, the call for a ‘genuine Pacific voice’ to be heard in global forums, recognition that a ‘one region approach’ need not be the best approach, the reconfiguring of diplomatic alliances to leverage Pacific island positions better in global forums, and embracing non-state actors as equal partners. The importance of this paradigm shift is that it challenges many prevailing stereotypes and assumptions about Pacific islands diplomacy. It recognizes and facilitates choices and alternatives. It emphasizes the imperative of being proactive and of taking responsibility for the challenges facing the Pacific islands; and being creative in finding solutions. This is a fundamentally empowering transformation. But in order to understand where this might lead, it is necessary to explore where this transformation has so far played out. Case studies at the national, regional and global levels give insights into the impact and potential of the new Pacific diplomacy.     

The EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership and global environmental governance: Towards effective multilateralism after Copenhagen?

ABSTRACT

This paper uses an analytical framework drawn from organisational studies to unpack and evaluate climate change relations under the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership. The article finds that, while the EU and South Africa share a common purpose and high-level climate goals, many of the formal organisational structures set up under the partnership to tackle climate change and the environment are weak and have fallen into disuse. At the same time several factors outside of the strategic partnership, such as South Africa's hosting of the Durban climate change meeting, have played a significant role in promoting climate cooperation between the two partners. Therefore, while the strategic partnership creates an additional opportunity for climate cooperation, it is by no means the only or even the most important instrument in the EU's foreign policy tool box for negotiation and dialogue.     

21世纪初危机应对中的俄罗斯国家形象塑造

危机发生后,一国政府如何应对危机一定程度上损害或修复着国家形象。21世纪初的十来年,世界上发生了一系列与俄罗斯相关的国内外危机,面对这些事件,在苏联解体后俄罗斯国际形象受损的颓势背景下,俄罗斯政府积极应对,既灵活务实,又顽强有力,客观上塑造了资源丰富、经济回升、政局稳定、政权有力、追求多极化、在国际上有发言权的世界大国形象。