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41.
对教育与生产劳动相结合的再认识 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
张志越 《中共山西省委党校学报》2002,25(3):59-60
教育与生产劳动相结合是马克思主义的教育基本原理 ,也是现代生产和现代教育的基本规律。但在教育实践发展的过程中出现了一些不良倾向和问题 ,需要对其做理论探源 ,并结合时代发展 ,重新认识其内涵、目的、内容和途径 相似文献
42.
周建军 《山东警察学院学报》2009,21(4):41-48
建国六十年来的保安处分制度研究涉及三个方面的内容,即保安处分的基本理论、保安处分的适用问题和当代中国的保安处分制度。基本理论的内容集中在保安处分的原则、保安处分与刑罚的关系、保安处分的适用(条件、宣告和执行)等问题上。其中,又以保安处分与刑罚关系的一元论与二元论之争影响最大。 相似文献
43.
就业与失业问题一直以来是关系经济和社会全面发展的制约性因素。在处理和调节劳动力市场供求关系方面,西方发达国家采取了相应的社会管理政策和公共服务,为有效应对经济和社会发展中出现的矛盾和危机进行了有益的尝试。 相似文献
44.
赵敏 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2008,7(3):65-68
劳动权与人们的生存和发展有关,属于基本人权的范畴,已经得到绝大多数国家宪法的确认。对于受拘禁的罪犯来说,劳动是对其实施矫正的基本手段,但劳动同样也应是罪犯享有的基本权利,应当得到平等的保障,而人权的视角无疑将会为罪犯劳动权的保障提供最充分的理由、最大化的内容和最完善的保障措施。因此,如何从人权视角对罪犯劳动权进行保障尤其重要。 相似文献
45.
常凯 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2001,15(6):10-15
劳动法律体系的建构,应以劳权本位作为理论出发点,应以劳权的实现和保障为其基点和核心.本文所提出的劳权概念,是指法律所规定或认可的劳动者在履行劳动义务的同时所应享有的与劳动有关的权益.劳权即劳工权益应是劳动法律的基本范畴和劳动立法起始概念.本文提出和论证了劳动者的概念和法律特征,认为市场经济下的劳动关系中的劳动者应为受雇于他人的以工资收入为基本生活来源的直接生产者.本文还提出了劳权关系的概念,认为劳权关系是劳动法律关系的本质体现,这一关系是相对于产权关系和经营权关系而言的,现代企业制度的经济权利结构是由产权、经营权和劳权的三权关系所构成的. 相似文献
46.
Trying not to lose: The electoral consequences of unilateral reform efforts and the social pact formation process 下载免费PDF全文
The existing social pact literature claims that governing parties offer social pact proposals because they anticipate they will receive an electoral benefit from social pact agreements. Yet the available data on social pacts inform us that in a substantial minority of cases social pact proposals fail to become social pact agreements. In an effort to better determine the political calculations made by governments before they propose a social pact, this article examines the effect of implementing reform legislation unilaterally, social pact proposals, social pact proposal failures and social pact agreements on the vote share of government parties in 15 Western European countries between 1981 and 2006. It is found that social pact proposals do not have any electoral consequences for governing parties, unilateral legislation and social pact proposal failures reduce the vote share of governing parties, and social pact agreements provide an electoral benefit to parties in minority governments only. These findings suggest that governing parties propose social pacts in a good faith effort to complete a social pact agreement; and that such an agreement is not a way for these parties to gain votes, but to avoid the electoral punishment associated with enacting unpopular reforms unilaterally. 相似文献
47.
George Burns 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》1998,6(2):171-183
Concentrations of unemployment and crime are promoting a slow crisis in the lives of unskilled young men, and obstruct the successful re-integration and resettlement of offenders. At the same time, criminal justice system programmes for offenders are seeking a new balance between treatment approaches and the creation of opportunities. In this article the author reflects on the policy frameworks which give rise to these approaches, and considers the danger that criminal justice systems may place emphasis on diverting people from crime without directing them towards opportunities for re-integration. The author considers the needs of offenders in relation to housing and employment in particular. 相似文献
48.
诉讼活动中公民代理行为具有合同性和劳务性。取得劳动报酬权是宪法所赋予公民的基本人权———劳动权的重要内容。公民代理行为由宪法以及体现其分配原则的劳动法和合同法来调整。任何法律和政策的制定都不可以剥夺公民的劳动权及其劳动报酬权 ,否定公民代理人行为的劳务性 ,将它们视为一种无偿劳动的做法 ,是在事实上违背了宪法所确定的“按劳分配”的社会主义分配原则 ,是对劳动者劳动权及其劳动价值的一种否定 ,也不符合合同法的基本精神。 相似文献
49.
Stewart Lansley 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(4):563-572
This article examines the potential to tackle the roots of inequality by the introduction of one or more social wealth funds. Such funds would aim to capture some of the financial gains from the private ownership of capital—a principal driver of inequality—and use the proceeds for wider community benefit, such as investment in social infrastructure. In recent decades a number of countries have introduced a variant on such funds, mostly taking the form of state‐owned sovereign wealth funds resourced through the exploitation of oil, and used for a diversity of economic purposes. In contrast, the UK has failed to take the opportunity to create such funds by, for example, reinvesting the revenue from the sales of public assets. So would it be possible to build one or more such collectively owned funds in the UK, and if so, how should they be financed? As well as funding social investment and anti‐inequality programmes, could such a scheme also help finance a regular Citizen's Dividend payment or a Citizen's Income scheme? 相似文献
50.
Marcel Paret 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(3-4):317-334
This article draws a parallel between the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the post-IRCA immigration regime in the USA. I argue that both regimes were organised around Apartheid Policing, which may be defined as a legal process consisting of three mutually reinforcing mechanisms: differentiation of migrants into non-citizen insiders with legal residence rights and non-citizen outsiders without them; stabilisation of migrants as permanent or long-term residents, enabling the growth of the migrant workforce; and marginalisation of migrants as politically vulnerable outsiders, including exploitation at work. But the two regimes were supported by different political and ideological apparatuses. While placing a disproportionate burden on Latino migrants, the post-IRCA immigration regime differed from the Apartheid regime in that it was not organised around an explicit racial hierarchy, and offered non-citizens a greater array of rights. As a result, Apartheid Policing under the post-IRCA immigration regime is potentially more politically sustainable. 相似文献